Issues of Marginalized Community in Peace Management

Issues of Marginalized Community in Peace Management

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Gf]kfn clxn] ¢Gbsf] bf]x/f] ljifd kl/l:ytLaf6 u'lh|/x]sf] 5 . g]kfn ;/sf/ / g]=s=kf= dfcf]jfbLlarsf] j[xQ zflGt ;Demf}tf, @)^# kl5 Psflt/ ¢GbkZrftsf] ;Da]bgzLn cj:yf 5 eg] csf]{lt/ b]zsf sltko e"–efux?df bh{gf} ;z:qwf/L ;d'xx? e'ldut?kdf /fHo lj?4 ;z:q o'¢ nl8/x]sf] eofjx l:ylt 5 . o; zflGt / ¢Gbljrsf] ;+s|d0fsfnLg kl/j]zdf b]zdf zflGt Joj:yfkg / /fHo k"g;{+/rgfsf] ckl/xfo{ cfofdsf?kdf ;LdfGtLs[t ju{, ;d"bfosf d'2fx?sf] ;Gt'lnt ;Daf]wg cToGt dxTjk"0f{ / r'gf}tLk"0f{ klg 5g\ . x'gtf ;LdfGtLs[t ;d"bfosf d'2fx? k|efjsf/L?kdf /fli6«o k|fyldstfdf kg'{sf] k|d'v sf/0fsf] k5fl8 dfcf]jfbL sf] ;z:q hgo'¢, dw]z cfGbf]ng OTofbL g}] x'g\ . ljutsf zf;gsfndf klg oL d'2fx? gp7]sf jf k|of; g} gePsf eg] kSs} xf]Ogg\ tyflk a[xQ zflGt ;Demf}tf kZrft o;sf] ;Dj]bgzLntf / k|fyldstfn] ljz]if cfsf/, k|sf/, :j?k, dfGotf kfO{ dxTjk"0f{ /fli6«o Ph]G8fsf] ?kdf :yflkt ePsf] 5 .

Gf]kfndf ;LdfGts[t sf] x'g eg]/ ;f]Wbf, o;sf] 7f]; / :ki6?kdf slx st} sfg'gL / j}w pQ/ kfOb}g . tyflk ;LdfGts[t eGgfn] To:tf] ;d'xnfO{ a'lemG5 h'g /fHosf] d"nk|jfxaf6 lgs} k/ x'G5 . To:tf ;d"xx? jlGrlts/0fdf k/]sf jf kfl/Psf x'G5g / cg]sf} ;fdflhs, cfly{s, ;f:s[lts ;d:ofx?n] lkl8t / zf]lift x'G5g\ . oL ;d'xx? Gofof]lrt?kdf klxrfg, kx'Fr, k|ltlglwTj, :jfldTj, ;xeflutf / ;j{flË0f ljsf;sf cj;/x?af6 jflGrtLdf k/]sf jf kfl/Psf x'G5g . o:tf ;d"xx?sf] kl/efiff / ;'r+sfÍ ;fk]lIft x'g] tyf lglZrt ;do / cj:yfdf cf–cfkm\gf /fi6«sf] cj:yfg';f/ kl/jt{gd'vL x'G5g\ . g]kfnsf] kl/k|]Ifdf ;LdfGts[t ju{df vf; u/]/ clt ul/j, ;'s'Djf;L, cNk;+Vos ;d'bfox?, lkl5l8Psf ju{, dlxnf, ckfË, blntx?, nf]kf]Gd'v ljleGg cflbjf;L hghftLx? / oL leqsf klg sdhf]/ ju{ / cfly{s ;fdflhs ?kn] k5fl8 k/]sf, cfwf/e't cfjZostf klg k'/f x'g g;Sg] cj:yfsf] hLjgofkg ug{ afWo ju{x? kb{5g\ . ;LdfGts[tsf] cfw'lgs kl/efiffn] t]>f] lnËL ;d]tnfO{ hgfpb5 . ;f]emf] cy{df eGg' kbf{, /fHo / tLgsf vf; ;De|fGt JolQm jf ;d'bfox?sf] k|ToIf jf ck|ToIf /0fgLltn] ;LdfGts[t ;d"bfox?sf] cfly{s, ;fdflhs, /fhg}lts, k|zf;gLs nufotsf clwsf/x? s'lG7t ul/Psf] x'G5 . logLx?sf] dfgj clwsf/, df}lns clwsf/x? cGt/f{li6«o tyf /fli6«o sfg'gx?af6 ;'lglZrt ul/Psf] h:tf] b]lvG5 t/ Aojxf/tM sfof{Gjogdf cfPsf x'b}gg kmn:j?k ;LdfGts[t ;w} ;LdfGts[t x'ghfG5 .

ljZjsf] cg'ejn] s] b]vfPsf] 5 eg], ;LdfGtLs[tx?sf] d'2fx? ;:tf] nf]slk|otf sdfpgsf nflu pkof]uL x'g] / oL d'2fx? cufl8 ;f/]/ ;z:q ¢Gb jf /fhg}lts cfGbf]ng jf s|flGt ug{ ;xh x'g] b]lvG5 . o;df ;LdfGtLs[t ju{ ;lhn} pTk|]l/t x'G5g / ck|Tofl;t ?kdf o'¢ jf cfGbf]ngdf ;lhn} xf]ldG5g . ctM oL ju{nfO{ nf]e nfnrdf e'nfP/ / nnfO{kmsfO{ ljb|f]xL kIfx?n] cToflws pkof]u ug]{ / o'4 jf cfGbf]ngsf] km|G6nfO{gdf /fVg] ub{5g . kmn:j?k /fHokIf / ljb|f]xLkIf b'j}af6 ;d]t ;f+3flts?kdf a9L lkl8t x'g] / s]lx ;Lldt -/fhg}lts_ ju{sf] pkef]usf] ju{ x'ghfG5, ;LdfGts[t ;d'bfox? . h;n] ubf{ logLx?sf] cj:yfdf kl/jt{g / pTyfg ug{ emg} sl7g x'g hfG5 .

w}/} h;f] ¢Gb cg';Gwfgstf{x?sf] Ps dt s]df kfOG5 eg], dfcf]jfbL hgo'¢ xg'sf k|d'v sf/0fx? / o;df hg;dy{g x'g'df ;LdfGts[t ;d'bfox?sf d'2fx?n] k|d"vtf kfpg' g} xf] . h:t}M ax'jlGrlts/0f, 5'jf5't, ;fdflhs plTk8g, zf]if0f / ;fdGtL ;+:sf/sf] ;+:s[lt, hftLo cf}klgif]zjfbsf] ;+/rgfut hl6ntf, ul/jLsf] b'irqm / s'zf;gsf] a9\bf] k|efj h:tf d'2fx?sf] ;Daf]wg ug{ /fHosf] cu|ufdL k"g;+{/rgf ug]{ hgo'¢sf gf/fx? lyP . cyf{t hgo''4sf] sf/s cfwf/ x]bf{ o;n] /fhg}lts jf k|zf;lgseGbf ;fdflhstkm{sf] If]q a9L ;d]6]sf] b]lvG5 . hgo'¢sfndf a]/f]huf/nfO{ hflu/ lbg], ;'s'Djf;LnfO{ hUuf lbg], sfo{stf{nfO{ g]tf, eQf / dGqL agfpg], ul/jnfO{ ;xh} wgL agfpg] h:tf hl6n ;kgfx? ;:tf]?kdf /0fg}lts tj/n] ckgfOPsf] o;sf yk k|df0fx? x'g\ . lautsf hgo'4 xf]; jf dw]z cfGbf]ngsf cfFwLj]x/L xf];, lnDa'jfg, v'Da'jfg, yf?jfg cfGbf]ngsf dfu xf]; ;a}df ;LdfGtLs[t s} d'2fx? cufl8 ;f/]sf] b]lvG5 . kmn:j?k /fHon] ca :jLsf/ ul/;s]sf] 5 ls, ;LdfGts[tsf d'2fx? s] x'g / o;nfO{ s;/L ;Daf]wg ug{] . /fHon] xfn} ;'? u/]sf] k|of; x}bf{ ;j}eGbf a9L >f]t, zlQm / ;+/rgfx? ;LdfGs[tsf d'2fx? ;Daf]wg tkm{ pGd'v ePsf] b]lvG5 . ;j} kIfx?n] s] a'emL;s]sf 5g eg] ;LdfGts[t ju{nfO{ cem a9L pk]Iff slxst} af6 eof] eg] ljBdfg rln/x]sf] zflGt k|lqmof e+u x'g] vt/f dfq xf]Og /fHo k"g;+{/rgfsf] clei6 aiff}{aif{ k5fl8 ws]lng ;S5 . /fHosf] zf;lso Joj:yf d'7e]8 pGd'v xg;S5 / /fHo k'gM ;z:q 4Gbsf] sfnf] o'udf df]l8g]] afWofTds cj:yf ;[hgf x'g;S5 . cTfM ca x'g nfu]sf] /fHo k"g;{+/rgfsf] ;DjGwdf oL ;LdfGts[t au{x?sf] ;d:of ;Djf]wg ug'{ l;Ëf] g]kfn /fi6«sf ;fd' 7"nf] cj;/, r'gf}tL / xfFssf] ?kdf plePsf] 5 .

ljZjsf] cg'ej x]g{] xf] eGf], zflGTf Joj:yfkg / /fHo k'g;{+/rgfsf] ;Gbe{df ;LdfGtLs[t ;d"bfox?sf] d'2fx?sf] ;Daf]wg ug]{ k|d"v txM b'O{j6f l;¢fGtdf cfwfl/t ljlwx? 5g\ . k|yd, ;dfj]zLs/0f / bf]>f] ax'njfbsf cjwf/0ff a[xt?kdf ;LdfGtLs[tsf kIfw/ dflgG5g\ . ;dfj]zLs/0fn] ;LdfGtLs[t jf jlGrtLs/0fdf kg'{kg{] kl/l:yltsf] cGtsf] kl/sNkgf ub{5 eg], ax'nafbn] ljljwtfnfO{ Pstfsf] ;'qdf ufF;L ;fdflhs, ;f:s[lts ;b\efjsf] alnof] hu agfpb} /fli6«o Pstf / /fi6« lgdf{0fdf 7"nf] 6]jf k'¥ofpFb5 h'g cd]l/sf, SofGff8f / o'/f]ksf d'n'sx?sf cg'ejn] k|dfl0ft ul/;s]sf] 5 .

g]kfndf klg ;dfj]zLs/0fsf ljleGg pkfox? cjnDag ug{ yflnPsf] 5 h'g lglZrt ?kdf s]lx xb;Dd ;/fxgLo 5 . g]kfndf klg cGo d'n'sx? h:tf] ;+j}wflgs Joj:yf -df}lns xssf] dxn_, lgjf{rg k|0ffnL -;dfg'kflts_, k|zf;lgs lg0f{ox? -/fhg}lts lgo'lQm tyf dgf]gog_, /fhg}lts ;+/rgfdf ljljwtf / If]lqo k|ltlglwTjsf] ;+:s[lt pGd'v, ;dfa]zL tyf n}+lusd}qL lasf; Joj:yfkg, sfg"g¢f/f g} ;sf/fTds lje]b, cf/If0f, sf]6f h:tf Joj:yfsf] k|of;x? ;/fxlgo 5 . o;sf cltl/Qm ;fdflhs Gofo / ;fdflhs ;'/Iffsf] nflu klg ah]6 / laleGg sfo{qmdx? Dffkm{t ul/Psf k|of;sf] yfngL klg ;sf/fTds dfGg ;lsG5 . o;sf tTsfn k|efj x]g]{ xf] eg] ljBdfg ;+;b / ;+ljwfg;efsf] ;dfa];L rl/q / ;+/rgf, ax'n k|ltlglwTjdf cfwfl/t dlGqkl/ifb\sf] u7g, ;Da}wflgs c+ux?df yf]/} ;+Vof ePklg ;Gt'lnt k|ltlglwTj, ;/sf/L ;]jfx?df ;LdfGtLs[t au{sf] a9bf] k|ltlglwTj pGd'v h:tf pknAwLx? ;LdfGtLs[t ju{sf lxtdf ePsf pNn]vlgo k|of;x? x'g\ . t/ xfn /fHon] canDjg u/]sf] ;dfa]zLs/0fsf] k|s[ofut / sfo{ut k2lt kl/j]z ;'xfpbf] / a}1flgs ;+:s[ltdf cfwfl/t b]lvb}g . ctM o;nfO{ a[xt cWoog / pko'Qm Joj:yfkg u/L tTsfn ;'wf/ ug'{kg]{ vfrf] 5 . ;f] gul/Pdf xr'jfdf cfwfl/t o; ;+qmd0fsflng ;dfa]zLs/0fsf] gLltnfO{ lg/Gt/tf lbO{of] eg] eljiodf o;n] yk hl6ntf / ;d:of Nofpg ;S5 . ctM ;dodf g} cfaZos ;ts{tf ckgfO{ cfaZos ;'wf/sf k|of; yflng' h?/L 5 .

;a}eGbf dxTjk"0f{ laifo s] 5 eg], g]kfndf cd"s hft, lnË, ju{, If]qsf / ;d'bfosf JolQmnfO{ xf]n]l:6s?kdf ;LdfGtLs[t egL tf]lsPsf] 5 t/ o;sf cfwf/x? :ki6 5}gg\ . pbfx/0fsf]nflu z]kf{, ysfnL eGgf;fy ;a} z]kf{, ysfnL ;LdfGtLs[t egL a'lemg] clxn]sf] kl/efiff 5 . h;nfO{ ;dfhzf:q, cy{zf:q jf /fhgLltzf:qsf] s'g}klg cjwf/0ffn] jf l;¢fGtn] ;xL k'li6 ub}g . ctM xr'jf jf le8tGqsf] bjfjdf l;ldt /fhgLlts jf ;fdflhs :jfy{ k"lt{ ug{ ;:tf] nf]slk|otfdf cfwfl/t eP/ ag]sf] kl/efiffsf] ?kfGt/0f tYok/s / a}1flgs?kdf dfGotf k|fKt j}w cfly{s ;fdflhs ;'rsfÍsf] ljsf; u/L x'g'kb{5 . of] yfxf ePs} s'/f xf] ls, hftkft, 5jf5't k|0ffnL nf]stGq, ljsf; / dfgj clwsf/sf k|d"v afws x'g\ . cem k"gM o;}nfO{ g} km]l/ cu|ufdL kl/at{g, ;dfa]zL / ;Gt'lnt ljsf;sf] cfwf/ dfg]/ u}/;LdfGtLs[t jf a+lrlts/0f df kb}{gkg]{ ;d"xnfO{ o;df /fv]/ cufl8 a9\g' eg]sf] ;flRrs} ;LdfGts[t ju{sf] la?¢ cGofo ug'{ xf] . s]lx ckafb afx]s clxn] xfdLn] ;LdfGts[tsf] a|fG8 lbPsf] w]/} ;d"bfox?df pRr ;fdflhs cfly{s hLjgofkg ug]{ JolQmx? 5g\ t/ klg Tolx hft, ju{ jf lnË leq kg]{ ePs} sf/0fn] dfq ;LdfGts[t sbflk dfGg ;lsb}g .

;LdfGts[tx?nfO{ ;dfa]zLs/0f ubf{ k"0f{txM a}1flgs k2lt cjnDjg x'g'kb{5 / o;sf] ;Defljt nlIft ju{x?sf] tYofÍ ;+sng tyf Joj:yfkg Ps pRr:tl/o /fli6«o:t/sf] cfof]u dfkm{t k|To]s ;Defljt nlIft JolQmx?sf] k|f]kmfOlnª ljZn]if0f u/L lglZrt cjlwsf] nflu ;LdfGts[t k|df0fkq lbg] Joj:yf ul/g'kb{5 . ;LdfGts[t ju{sf] Joj:yfkg / d"nk|jflxs/0fsf] ;a} Joj:yfklso sfo{sf] lhDdf Tolx cfof]u dfkm{t ul/g' kb{5 . cGoyf ;LdfGts[tsf] gfddf ;w} Tolx 6f7faf7f / k/Dk/fut?kdf klg ;LdfGts[tleq s} ;e|fGt ju{n] kmfO{bf lng] / zf]lift lkl8t ;w} oyfl:yltdf /lx/xg] cj:yfn] lg/Gt/tf kfpg;S5 .

¢Gb jf c/fhstf km}nfpg s'g} 7"nf] hdft jf ;d"x rflxb}g . ctM olb ;flRrs} ;LdfGts[t ju{x?sf] klxrfg u/L pTyfg ug]{ xf] eg] dfq ljBdfg zflGt k|s[ofsf] Joj:yfkg ;xh x'g;S5 . cGoyf ;LdfGts[t ju{sf] ;Djf]wg k|efjsf/L?kdf ePg eg] /fHo k"g;{+/rgf kZrft kl5 klg /fHo k"gM lbw{sflng ¢Gbsf] b'irqmdf km:g;S5 . ;LdfGts[tsf] gfddf vf]qmf] /fhgLlt ul/of] / ;:tf] nf]slk|otf afl8of] eg] clxn]nfO{ dfq xf]O{g eljiosf] ;GttLnfO{ ;d]t 7"nf] ;+s6 lgDTofpg ;S5 . ctM ;DjlGwt ;a} lgsfox? clt ;Dj]bgzLn / ;+oldt eO{ ;LdfGts[tsf d'2fx? ;Djf]wgdf Psh'6 eO{ nfUg OdfGbf/L ;lxtsf] k|lta¢ x'g'kb{5 .

;a} hft, wd{ ;+:s[ltnfO{ /fli6«o dfGotf / :yfg lbg', Ps efiff Ps e]ifsf] /fli6«o klxrfgsf] ;+:s[ltnfO{ tf]8\b} ax' efiff, e]ife'iff ;+:s[tLdf ?kfGt/0f ug]{, PsfTdsaf6 ;+3fTds zf;lso k2ltsf] :jLsf/f]lQm, wd{lg/k]Iftf O{Toflb tkm{ kfO{nf ;fg]{ /fHosf] xfn}sf k|of;nfO{ ljljwtfnfO{ ax'nafbtkm{ pGd'v u/fpg] 7"nf] km8\sf] xf] eGg ;lsG5 . /fhgLlts lgo'lQm, dgf]gog / lgjf{rg k2ltdf ckgfO{Psf] ;dfg'kflts k|ltlglwTjsf] k|0ffnLsf] ;'?jftnfO{ ax'njfb tkm{sf] yk pGd'vtfsf] cem ;/fxlgo k|of; dfGg ;lsG5 . clxn]sf oL k|of;x? lglZrt?kdf k"0f{ / k|of{Kt geP tfklg lawdfg ;+sd0fsflng ca:yfdf olt;Ddsf] pknlAwnfO{ sf]z]9'Ëf dfGg ;lsG5 .

g]kfn lawdfg /fHo k"gM;+/rgfsf] kl/k|]Iodf lbuf] zflGt Joj:yfkgsf] ;+sd0fsflng sl7g df]8af6 u'h|L/x]sf]n] cl;ldt r'gf}tLx? 5g\ . g]kfnsf] ;+ljwfg tyf zf;lso ;+rfngsf] cfwf/ cfk;L /fhg}lts ;xdlt x'g'sf] ;§f ;Qfdf]xsf] v]n, zflGt ;Demf}tfsf] sfof{Gjogdf lgis[otf, Joj:yflksf ;+;b / ;+ljwfg;efsf] lg/f;fhgs sfo{;Dkfbg:t/, ;+ljwfg lgdf{0f k|s[ofdf cj/f]w / l9nfO{, a9\bf] /fhg}lts pb08tf, /fhg}lts lvrftfgL, ;Qfd'vL c:j:y k|lt:kwf{, u7aGwg ;/sf/sf] cfk;L dgf]dflnGotf, k/Dk/fut ;fdflhs ;+:s[lt / lxGb' dg':d[ltdf cfwfl/t hLjgz}nL, cjflG5t cGt/f{li6«o x:tIf]k, bftfd'vL of]hgf, lau|bf] zflGt ;'/Iff, ck/flws/0fsf] ;+:s[lt, le8tGq, /fhgLlt / k|zf;gsf] c;fd~h:otf cflb k|d"v r'gf}tLx? 5g\ . oBlk oL sl7gfO{x?nfO{ Joj:yfkg ug{ /fHosf ;a} zlQmx? Psh'6 eO{ cf–cfkm\gf] :t/af6 nfUg] xf] eg] dfq lglZrt?kdf Joj:yfkg ug{ ;lsG5 . ;LdfGts[t jf a+lrlts/0fdf k/]sf ;d"bfox?sf] d'2f ;Daf]wg ug]{ sfo{ nfdf] k|s[ofaf6 u'lh|g'k5{ . ctM ;/sf/, k|zf;g, /fhlglt1, cfdhgtf / ;DalGwt ;a} ;d"bfox? Psh'6 eP/ OdfGbfl/tfsf ;fy ;d:of tyf r'gf}tLx?nfO{ k|fylds/0f u/L k"0f{ k|lta¢tfsf ;fy nfUg] xf] eg] tL r'gf}tLx?sf] ;fdgf ug{ ;xh x'g] b]lvG5 . pk/f]Qm r'gf}tLx?nfO{ lgjf/0f ug{ /fHon] tyf ;Da¢ kIfn] ;j{k|yd zflGt k|s[ofnfO{ OdfGbfl/tfk"j{s cy{k"0f{ lgisif{ k'¥ofpg], ;+ljwfg ;ef / Joj:yflksf ;+;b lgoldt?kdf ;'rf? /fVg], ;8sdf c/fhs la/f]w dfkm{t p7fPsf d'2fx? ;+;bdf g} aftf{¢f/f 6'Ëofpg], laBdfg ;/sf/sf] 7"nf]bn g]=s=kf= dfcf]jfbL ;d]tnfO{ ;/sf/df NofO{ Psh'6 eP/ ;+sd0fsflng zf;lso cj:yfsf] Go"lgs/0f ub}{, /fHosf k|fyldstf k|fKt d'2fx?df qmda¢ tl/sfn] cufl8 a9\g'kg]{ clxn]sf] ckl/xfo{tf b]lvG5 .

zflGt Joj:yfkg / ;LdfGts[tsf d'2fx? ;Djf]wg laBdfg /fHok"g;{+/rgfsf ;Gbe{df Pscsf{sf] k"/s / cGt/;DalGwt b]lvPsf]n] lbuf] zflGtsf] :yfkgf / ;LdfGts[t ju{nfO{ ;bfsf nflu ;LdfGts[t jf a+lrltdf x'gaf6 hf]ufpg ;dfa]zLs/0f / ax'nafbsf cjwf/0ffx? canDjg ub}{ hfg' ckl/xfo{ 5 . o;/L /fi6«sf] ;Gt'lnt / ;dfa]zL ljsf;sf] ;f]r k|efjsf/L?kdf nfu" ug{ ;lsof] eg] b]zdf ljBdfg w]/} ;d:of tyf r'gf}tLx?sf] Go"lgs/0f eO{ cu|ufdL ;sf/fTds ;f]raf6 clek|]l/t /fHo k"g;{+/rgfsf] /fli6«o nIo / cleofg k|fKtL tyf lbuf] zflGt Jojyfkgdf d2t k'Ug]5 .

-n]vs zflGt tyf ¢Gb Joj:yfkg laz]if1 x'g'sf ;fy} g]kfn ;/sf/sf pk;lrj kbdf sfo{/t x'g'x'G5 . khpushkar@gmail.com)

Management Issues of Maoist Guerrilla's-PLA in Nepal

Hfgd'lQm ;]gfsf] Joj:yfkg / /fhg}lts lvrftfgL

s[i0fxl/ k'is/

Gf]kfndf /x]sf] ;+o'Qm /fi6«;+l3o dfl6{g6f]nLsf] ;dGJfofTds cg'udgdf /x]sf] sl/j aL; xhf/ hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] Joj:yfkg ;DjlGw /fhg}lts lvrftfgLsf ;fy;fy} s'6g}lts OGb«hfnn] k/fsfi7f g} gfl3;s]sf] 5 . o;n] /fi6«klt lgjf{rgb]lv k|wfgdGqL lgjf{rg ;Ddsf] d'2fdf dfq xf]Og ls dGqfno jfF8kmf8df ;d]t xnf] c8sfof] . oltdfq sxfF xf] /, o;n] ljutsf] ;ftblno ;xdlt, j[xQ zflGt;Demf}tf OTofbLdf klg u|x0f nufof] . kmn:j?k /fHo nfdf] ;do;Dd ;/sf/lxgtfsf] jlGb klg jGg k'Uof]] . b]ze/L c/fhstf, sfg"glxgtf j9\b} /fi6« g} pb08tGqsf] rk]6fdf k/]sf] hf] sf]xLnfO{ ;lhn} cg'ej x'G5 . ctM of] n]v dfkm{t o; ;DjGwdf cawf/0fut?kdf ax'rlr{t æhgd'lQm ;]gf Joj:yfkgÆ sf s]lx kIfx? k|:t't ul/Psf] 5 .

Hfgd'lQm ;]gf sf] x'g <

· Hfgd'lQm ;]gf g]kfn sDo"lgi6 kf6L{ -dfcf]jfbL_n] hgo'4sfndf ;z:q ultljlw ;+rfng ug{ egf{ ul/Psf n8fs' b:tf x'g\ .

· k|r08ky / dfcf]jfbnfO{ sfof{Gjog u/fpgsf nflu ;+ul7t s§/klGy cg'ofoLx?sf] ;Zf:q b:tf x'g\ .

· dfl6{g 6f]nLaf6 6fFrf nufO{ lzlj/x?df /flvPsf]] dfcf]jfbLsf z;:q sfo{stf{x? x'g .

· dfl6{g 6f]nLaf6 cof]Uo 7x/fO{{Psf] jf lzlj/df :j]lR5s jf /0fg}lts ?kdf g/flvPsf] jf jfO{l;Pn h:tf cw{;}lgs ;+/rgfdf /flvPsf] n8fs'x? klg x'g\ .

pk/f]Qm cfwf/x?df hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] kl/efiff ug{ ;lsPklg xfn ;+o"Qm /fi6«;+l3o lgsfo …cgldg’, dfcf]jfbL kf6L{ / cGo /fhg}lts kf6L{x?n] hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] kl/efiff km/s–km/s ?kdf u/]sf] kfOG5 . t/ klg dfl6{g 6f]nLåf/f 6fFrf nufO{ /flvPsf sl/j jL;xhf/ hgd'lQm ;]gfn] /fli6«o / cGt/fli6«o lgsfoaf6 cflwsfl/s ?kdf dfGotf kfPsf] b]lvG5 .

Hfgd'lQm ;]gf sxf 5g <

dfl6{g 6f]nLaf6 6fFrf nufOPsf] Hfgd'lQm ;]gfdWo] w]/} hgf lzlj/x?df /x]sf5g\ eg] s]xL c+u/Ifssf] ?kdf / s]lx :f'/Iffuf8{sf] ?kdf klg /flvPsf5g\ . lagf 6Ffrfjfnf hgd'lQm ;]gfsf xsdf eg] sf]xL jfO{l;Pndf t sf]xL cGo eft[;+u7gdf ;+nUg /xL Jojxfl/s?kdf cw{;}lgs ultljlwx?df ;+nUg ePsf] kfO{G5 . s]xL Hfgd'lQm ;]gf ;ef;b\ ePsf 5g\ eg] s]xL ljleGg :yflgo, If]lqo tyf s]Gb|Lo g]t[Tjdf klg /x]sf5g\ . dfcf]jfbL g]tf e§/fO{n] oL ;j} k|sf/sf ;Demf}tf lakl/tsf s'/fx?nfO{ jGb ug{] k|lta4tf ;+lawfg ;efdf 3f]if0ff ul/;Sg'ePsf] ePtf klg o;sf] sfof{Gjog eg] ;a}sf] z+sfsf] 3]/fdf 5 .

hgd'lQm ;]gfsf ;sf/fTds / gsf/fTds b'j} k|sf/sf ultljlwx? b}lgs rrf{df /x]sf] kfO{G5 . ;do–;dodf hgd'lQm ;]gf slxn] ljsf;lgdf{0f, ;/;kmfO{ tyf z';f;g Joj:yf OTofbLdf tlNng ePsf] ;'lgG5 eg] slxn] xTof, n'6kf6, ckx/0f, u'08fubL{, lj/f]w, rGbf, cfs|d0fdf ;+nUg ePsf] klg ;dfrf/ dfWoddf x]g{ kfO{G5 . csf]{lt/ :j3f]lift?kdf hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] laleGg gfddf ljNnf nufPsf dflg;x?nfO{ ;lhn} hq–tq ljleGg ?kdf e]6\g kfO{G5 . ctM k|d"v r'gf}tL eg]sf] g} hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] Jojxfl/s klxrfg ug'{ g} xf] . dfl6{gljNnf ePsfnfO{ ;lhn} lrGg ;lsPklg ;f] jfx]ssfnfO{ s;/L lrGg] <>

s'g hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] Joj:yfkg h?/L 5 <

l;4fGttxM 6Ffrfjfnf hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] Joj:yfkgsf] d'2f ljjfbf:kb / cfjZos 7flgPklg Jojxf/txM ljgf6fFrfjfnf dfcf]jfbL ;]gfsf] Joj:yfkg t'ngfTds?kdf cfjZos b]lvG5 . of] d'2f /fi6« / :jo+ dfcf]jfbLsf] nflu klg 7"nf] lrGtfsf] ljifo ePsf] x'g'k5{ . t/ of] n]vsf] laifoa:t'nfO{ 6fFrfjfnfsf] Joj:yfksLo kIfdf dfq s]lGb|t ul/Psf] 5 .

;flRr s} eGg] xf] eg], clxn] of] hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] Joj:yfkg k|efjsf/L / bIftfk"j{s ul/Pg eg] /fHo l;w} csf]{ vt/gfs o'4df ws]lng ;S5 . g]kfn ;/sf/ / g]=s=kf=dfcf]jfbLlarsf] j[xt zflGt ;Demf}tf, /fli6«o tyf cGt/fli6«o k|of;x? / dfl6{g6f]nLsf] clxn] ;Ddsf] ;j} k|of;x? jfn'jf df kfgL xfn] h:t} xg]5 . ctM ;DjlGwt ;j} /fli6«o tyf cGt/fli6«o lgsfox?sf] ;+o'Qm k|of;df sd;]sd 6fFrfjfnf hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] dfq eP klg k|efjsf/L tyf lb3{sflng Joj:yfkgnfO{ k|fyldstfsf] ljifo agfpg' cfjZos 5 .

dfcf]jfbL ;]gfsf] Joj:yfkg ;DjGwL Joj:yf s] 5 <

g]kfn clw/fHosf] cGtl/d ;+ljwfg @)^# tyf lj:t[t zflGt ;Demf}tf @)^# df n]lvPsf] k|fjwfg cg';f/ dfcf]jfbL ;]gfsf n8fs'x?sf] /]vb]v, ;dfof]hg / k'g{:yfkgf ug]{ ;DaGwdf cGtl/d dlGqkl/ifbn] ljz]if sldl6 jgfP/ sfd ug]{ dfq pNn]v ePsf] kfOG5 . hgd'lQm ;]gfnfO{ k|x/L jgfpg] jf /fli6«o ;]gf jf /fHosf] cw{;}lgs jn df ?kfGt/0f ug]{ Joj:yf slx st} s'g} cf}krfl/s b:tfj]hdf ePsf] kfO{b}g . hgd'lTfm ;]gf Joj:yfkgsf] gfddf hgo'4 n8]sf] k'/:sf/ jfkt n8fs'x?nfO{ s'g} Ps k|sf/sf] :yfoL hflu/ k|bfg ug]{ cwf]lift pb]Zo / nIo b]lvP tfklg oL ;]gfx?nfO s;/L sxfF Joj:yfkg ug]{ eGg] af/] ;f] sf] u[xsfo{ slxst} ePsf] xfn;Dd kfOb}g . t/ g]kfn sDo"lgi6 kf6L{ -dfcf]jfbL_n]] pSt b:tfsf] gfd ;]gf /fv]sf] / pgLx?nfO{ hgo"4 sfndf kf6L{sf] ;}lgs ultljlwdf ;z:q hTyfsf] ?kdf k|of]u ul/Psf]n] g]=s=kf= dfcf]jfbLn] pgLx?nfO{ g]kfnL ;]gfdf g} ;dfof]hg ug{' kg]{ hf]/bf/ dfu u/]sf] b]lvG5 eg] dfcf]jfbL afx]ssf /fhg}ltsbnx? / :jo+ g]kfnL ;]gf klg dfcf]jfbLsf] of] wf/0ffsf] k|lt/f]ws b]lvG5 .

hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] Joj:yfkgfsf] r"gf}tL tyf ;d:ofx? s] s] x'g <

· dfcf]jfbLn] ldlnh'nL ;/sf/sf] a};fvLdf e/kg{' kg]{ jfWofTds cj:yfdf x'g' .

· dfcf]jfbL jfx]ssf ;j} bn tyf :jo+ ;}lgs tyf k|x/L ;+u7gx? g} ;dfof]]hgsf] k|lt/f]ws x'g' .

· hgd'lQm ;]gf Joj;flos /fli6«o ;]gf geP/ kf6L{ ljz]ifsf] ;]gf x'g' / o;sf] egf{, 5gf}6 tyf sfo{z}nL 5fkfdf/ u'/LNnf df]8]ndf /fhg}lts :jfy{ cg";f/ x'g' .

· cGt/f{li6«o tyf /fli6«o dfkb08x? h:t}M of]Uotf, pd]/, tflnd, kbzf]kfg / ef}lts tyf dfgl;s of]Uotfx? k|rlnt sfg"g tyf dfGotf cg'?k gx'g' .

· ljwdfg ;}lgs jf k|x/L ;+/rgfdf hgd'lQm ;]gf ldnfpbf ;+VofTds ?kdf af]em, k"0f{ cg'Tkfbs / ;+u7gdf k"0f{ cJoj;foLs ;+:s[ltsf] ljsf; x'g] ;Defjgf x'g''' .

· hgd'lQm ;]gf ;dfof]hgsf] d'2f ;Fu} dw]zL nufotsf ;d"bfox?n] ;dfj]zLs/0fsf] nflu ;d"xut hflto egf{ (Mass Recruitment) sf] dfu zzt{ cuf8L ;fg'{ .

· o; k|sf/sf] ;dfoflht ;]gfn] cGt/f{li6«o dfGotf kfpg sl7gfO{ x'g' .

· cfly{sef/sf] r/d l:ylt ;[hgf x'g] ;Defjgf x'g''' .

· cGo w]/} ljb|f]xL ;]gfsf] 6's8Lx?sf] hGd x'g] / jnhkm\tL ;dfof]hgsf] ;+:s[lt sfod x'g;Sg] ;Defjgf x'g''' .

· ;dfof]hg x'g] c+ux?df /x]sf /fi6«;]js / dfcf]jfbLsf hgd'lQm ;]gfx? ljr w«'ljs/0f eO{ åGb ;[hgf x'g' sf ;fy}] plgx?sf] dgf]jndf gs/fTds c;/ kg{;Sg] ;Defjgf x'g''' . .

Hfgd'lQm ;]gfsf] ;kmn Joj:yfkg s;/L ug]{ <

Hfgd'lQm ;]gfsf] Joj:yfkg sf] nflu /f]huf/L g} k|d"v pkfo x'g] b]lvG5 . ;j} hgd'lQm ;]gf af:tjd}} k|x/L, ;}lgs jf cw{;}lgs jf s'g} ;'/Iff lgsfodf ;dfof]hg x'g OR5's b]lvb}g / ;a} zfl/l/s ?kdf ;'/Iff ;]jfsf] nflu of]Uo klg 5}gg\ . w]/} h;f]n] lb3{sfnLg /f]huf/L kfpg] xf] eg] ;}lgs jf k|x/L k]zf eGbf cGoq hfg ?rfpg] b]lvG5 . ctM hgd'lQm ;]gf Joj:yfkgsf] nflu b]xfo pkfox? b]lvG5 .

-s_ eO/x]sf] s'g} ;/sf/L ;+u7gx?df laz]if Joj:yf u/L hfuL/ k|bfg ug]{ .

-v_ eO/x]sf] ;+u7gx?df k"0f{ ;djGofTds Ps :jtGq lgsfo u7g u/]/ ;dfof]hg ug{] .

-u_ 5'6} cl:tTjsf] :jtGq ;+u7gsf] :yfkgf u/]/ hfuL/ k|bfg ug{] .

-3_ /f]huf/Lsf P]lR5s ljsNkx? cjnDjg u/fP/ /f]huf/Lsf] Aoj:yf ug{] .

-ª_ dfly pNn]lvt pkfox? dWo] Ps jf Ps eGbf j9L pkfox? cfjZostf cg';f/ cjnDjg ug]{ .

Dffly pNn]lvt pkfox?dWo], Gf]kfn ;/sf/ tyf g]kfn sDo"lgi6 kf6L{ -dfcf]jfbL_n]] hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] Aoj:yfkg ;DjlGw ljz]if Aoj:yf u/L dfly j'Fbf -s_ df pNn]v eP adf]lhd g]kfn k|x/L jf g]kfnL ;]gfsf] ;+u7gdf l;w} ;dfof]hg ug{] / ljz]if lsl;dsf] kbzf]kfg, sfd, st{Jo, clwsf/, lgo'lQm, j[ltljsfz, cjsfz tyf ;'ljwfsf] ljz]if Aoj:yf tf]s]/ ug{ ;lsG5 . t/ of] Tolt /fd|f] ljsNk gx'g;S5 . of] k|ls|ofsf] nflu w}}/} afwf lj/f]w, sfg"gL c8\rg nufotsf r'gf}tLx? em]Ng' kg{] x'g;S5 .

To:t} j'Fbf -v_ cg';f/ laBdfg g]kfnL ;]gf, g]kfn k|x/L jf z;:q k|x/Lsf] ;+u7gdf 5'§}} jflxgL jf ljefux? u7g u/L ljz]if lhDd]jf/L tf]sL hgd'lQm ;]gfnfO{ ;dfof]hg ug{ ;lsG5 . j'Fbf -u_ df n]lvPadf]lhd ;/sf/ n] 5'§} cw{;}lgs c+u jf ;'xfpbf] k|s[ltsf] ;'/Iff lgsfo h:t}M cf}wf]lus ;'/Iffjn, ;Ldf ;'/Iffjn jf ;z:q lghLuf8{ jnsf] ljsf; u/L ug{ ;Sg]5 . csf]{ dxTjk"0f{ ljsNksf] ?kdf j'Fbf -3_ df elgP h:t} ljBdfg lzlj/x?sf hgd'lQm ;]gfx?nfO{ :j]lR5s /f]huf/Lsf] nflu k|fljlws 1fg, lzk, k"+hL, tflnd tyf cfjZos cfly{sk|fljlws ;xof]u k|bfg u/]/ uf]N8]g xof08;]s u/]/ k7fpg ;lsg]5 . o;sf cltl/Qm O{R5's nfO{ j}b]lzs /f]huf/ tyf zLkd"ns Jofkf/–Joj;fosf] nflu klg df}sf k|bfg u/]/ Joj:yfkg ug{ ;lsG5 .

dfly pNn]lvt kfFrf} df]8]n j'Fbf -ª_ sf ;DaGwdf, hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] OR5f, /fi6«sf] cfjZotf / pgLx?sf] of]Uotf, bIftf / zLksf cfwf/df hgd'lQm ;]gfx?;Fu ;dGjo / 5nkmnu/L ljleGg ;d"xdf 5'6\ofpg] / pko'Qmtfsf] cfwf/df j'Fbf -s_b]lv j'Fbf -3_ ;Ddsf pkfox?df laz]if1tfsf] cfwf/df hgd'lQm ;]gfnfO{ ;dfj]z u/fO{ ;kmn / k|efjsf/L Joj:yfkg ug{ ;lsG5, h"g t'ngfTds ?kdf sd ljjfbf:kb, ldtJooL tyf ;lhn} sfof{Gjog ug{ ;lsg] x'G5 .

pk/f]Qm j'Fbf -s_ b]lv j'Fbf -ª_ ;Dd sf pkfox?dWo] j'Fbf -s_ / -v_ cg';f/sf] dfq Aoj:yfkg cToGt hl6n, ljjfbf:kb tyf r"gf}ltk"0f{ x'g;Sg] b]lvG5 eg] j'Fbf -u_, -3_ / -ª_ sf] pkfox? t'ngfTds?kdf Af9L k|efjsf/L / ;lhn} ;kmntfk"j{s sfof{Gjog ug{ ;lsg] b]lvG5 . cem} eGg' kbf{ j'Fbf -ª_ nfO{ ;a} eGbf pko'Qm pkfo dfgL ;/sf/n] cjnDjg ug{' a9L j'l4dfgL b]lvG5 .

cGTodf, ljwdfg hgd'lQm ;]gf Aoj:yfkg / /fhg}lts lvrftfgL sf] ljifo ca nfdf] ;do;Dd yftL /fVg'sf] ;§f of] d'2f k|fljlwsx?sf] ;Nnfx tyf l;kmfl/; cg';f/ dfly k|:t't ul/Psf pkfox? cjnDjg u/L Joj:yfkg ug{ ;lsof]] eg] lglZrt?kdf ;lhn} Aoj:yfkgsf] ;fy;fy} zflGt k|ls|ofsf] ;kmn cjt/0f x'g;S5 . olb of] d'2f oyfl;w|| ;a} bnx? ldnL ;do d} Aoj:yfkg ul/Pg eg] g]kfnL hgtfnfO{ g]tfx?n] b]lvPsf] gofF g]kfn lgdf{0fsf] ;kgf / cGt/fli6«o lgsfodf zflGt k|ls|ofsf] sf/0fn] sdfPsf] k|lti7f ;j} u'Dg ;S5 / /fHo k"gM 4Gbsf] e"Fd/Ldf km:g ;Sb5 .

-n]Vfs zflGt tyf åGb Joj:yfkg ljifosf] cg';Gwfgstf{ x'g'x'G5 / g]kfn ;/sf/sf] u[x dGqfno;+u cfjå x'g'x'G5 _

Madhes, CA Election & International Community

Madhes, CA Election & International Community

Cordial Invitation to participate in an online exclusive discussion:

Dear All, we have decided to put the topic “Madhes, CA Election International Community” as major discussion topic of this week therefore; it would be great if you could write your comments, views, observation and suggestions on the issues. Please be informed that all significant writings and conversational transactions will be submitted to the concerned all governmental, parliamentary, judiciary, constitutional and political authorities and superior political personality of Nepal as well it could be possible to use your writings for media reports and research analyse too. Therefore, complete email signature in your writing would be highly appreciable.

1. Is it possible to conduct CA Election in due time without resolving the crisis of Madhes before CA election?

2. Since Madhes is suffering with various Arm and Unarmed Insurgencies, in such ground, is it possible to resolve such huge crisis charismatically within rest few days of CA election? If yes, how and what would be best ideas to resolve the issue in charismatic way?

3. What would be the best role and possible contribution of International community (including India and UNMIN) to resolve the Madhes issues and build a harmonious environment for CA election?

4. What about the legitimacy and validity of CA election if the majorities of Madhesi political powers as well as insurgents group ignore and disturb the CA election, in case government try to impose CA election without solving Madhesi issue? Does it suffer with the similar status as local election (7% vote were casted only) conducted during direct Gyanendra regime?

5. Is there any best idea, ways and approach to solve the Madhesi issues through peaceful means and conduct in CA election in due time? Please give some descriptive and empirical recommendations.

Please follow, observe, contribute or participate in our exclusive online discussion: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/NepalOfficers/ or click me for direct access

Sincerely’

Krishna Hari Pushkar

FAQ commentary on Nepalese Women Leader

By Krishna Hari Pushkar, a FAQ commentary on Nepalese Women Leader

FAQ on Sujata Koirala

I would like to extend my sincere congratulations and warm greetings to Hon. Ms. Sujata Koirala for her outstanding political achievements.

Who is Sujata Koirala?

Newly appointed Hon. Minister Ms. Sujata Koirala is a strong and active women personality of Nepal Congress Party of Nepal, who holds special expertise in national and international political arena. She has been working as a capacity of chief: International Division of Nepali Congress Party. She is executive member of central committee of Nepali Congress Party and member of Interim Parliament too. Besides, only she has got a grand opportunity to observe the evolution of political and democratic development in Nepal since her childhood by empirical observation through the eyes of G.P Koirala. She is informally in active politics since her uncle BP and father GP Koirala were actively involved in the democratic revolution in Nepal despite of living and exiled life in India and after 1990 she adopted officially active political career.

Why Sujata is appointed as a Minister?

Basically her appointment is considered as a part of state commitments towards women inclusion in the overall State affairs & decisions making system. She holds more than enough political, legal and professional capabilities and is emerging as a most eligible candidate for Minister, in the Nepali Congress Party and nation too. Before blaming her as a part of nepotism or favouritism, one can also compare her with other existing and past women members of minister council. Obviously, she would be more eligible than others (7 indicators to conclude this.)

Beginning of political affiliation and activities, academic ground, professional capability, contribution for social development and welfare (She has been contributing more than the local State mechanisms through her NGOs/charity/foundations in various sector and part of Nepal), capabilities of international relation and political diplomacy, political and social hold in respective area and sector, popularity in national and international affairs, & Personal and political performance.

However, these comparisons must be based on the span of age and his/her achieved political productivity.

What are her major exclusive political contributions in Nepali Congress Party?

A. She must be congratulated for the greater role and contribution in women empowerment, and women mainstreaming works inside the parliament, government and her own male-dominated traditional political party of Nepal. B. She must be accredited for the Institutional development and internationalization of Nepali Congress party and its mechanisms. C. Her one of the major achievement is constitution and effective expansion of the various wings of Nepali Congress Party in various part of the world including Europe. D. She is only one the non-Madheshi central members of Nepali Congress Party who has been boldly raising and advocating the Madheshi and issue of minorities ethnic groups and harmoniously coordinating with various Madheshi and other ethnic leaders and parties to resolve the contemporary ethnic issues. & E. She has been maintaining very good relations with various donor agencies, global renowned personalities, international political leaders, diplomats and institutions on behalf of the Nepal Congress Party.

What are her major strengths for her political career?

A. She became top-brass women political national leader; B. She has an exceptional political backup C. She has a greater sympathy from women, and new generation’s political cadres and their supporters; D. She has one of the most strong and productive national and international political network and access E. She has emerged as a successor of existing Head of the State/Government, F. She has a strong political hold among the people and specially with the voters in respective constituency, & G decades long direct and active affiliations in social service, welfare and development through NGOs are also considered as her huge political strength

What are her major weaknesses?

A. She trusts anyone easily and speaks frankly in informal issues and ways in good faith without digging detail and analysing the people’s ground and environment B. She is considered little short tempered, highly emotional with less longanimity. C. She is straightforward and performs non-buttering/western behaviour which is still indigestible in Nepalese traditional societies and political culture D. She has failed to build an inclusive personal and professional advisory/assistive network and connections which are crucial in present context since she belongs to Madhesh region of Nepal. E. Her inefficient affiliation, role, tackle and interventional touch in national controversial issues. F. She has often difficulties to follow up, renew and maintain update for political relation and people to people interpersonal contact due to her unmanaged political and social daily schedule. & G. Until now, she is nor much strategic neither very tactful

Why Nepalese media often highlights & affiliates her name in corruption, smuggling, and intervention, illegal and un-democratic activities?

A. Normally it is being contempt due to political ideology and basically by communist and anti- Koirala family medias due to jealous and various self-centred grievances , however, they never ever have submitted or presented any officials proofs for her any bad-doings. B. They consider Ms. Sujata as successor and synonymous image of Mr. Girija Prasad Koirala, so all the personal and political enemies and competitors of Koirala’s consider her in similar way. C. Many political leaders as well as Nepalese anti-Koirala Medias don’t like to see Koirala family anymore as a national political power and sources. They are afraid of her emerging political strength and Nepalese circumstances of political transition. They think their controversial misinterpretation and unwanted accusation on her in various issues could badly damage her personality and finally they would be able to push down her political career, & which would later make it easy to achieve their self-centred individual interests. D.She is highly active and takes deep interest in various national issues of public interests, so it is obvious that the level of mistakes could possible in the quantity-quality of performance delivery and activities ratio. & E. The prejudiced Nepalese media and her opposers often present her only as a nutcase daughter and successor of existing Prime Minister of Nepal Girija Prasad Koirala, despite the fact that she has also her own exclusive active political role, contribution and affiliation in Nepali Congress Party since decades.

Why some people consider her as hated personality?

There are no any special reasons for such pathetic perception or feeling, though her prejudiced opposers claims that She does not have any political contributions in democratic movements of Nepal despite the fact that She holds decades long political contribution, affiliation and sacrifice in various personal, political and social phenomena. In addition, they also claim, She unwontedly intervene the decision making process to fulfil her personal interest by abusing the power and authority of her father, which is black and white lie because PM Koirala has his own world where Ms. Sujata rarely gets even a chance to have an access during the decision making process in kitchen cabinet of Mr Koirala. However, the relationship as father and daughter should be considered in natural manner. People should understand it is not her fault and neither should be considered as a disqualification for anything.

Who hates her?

I have asked plenty of her opposers that why you hate her? Unfortunately no ones were able to give me even any single satisfactory reasons for why he or she hates her! Most of her haters have either misinformation/misunderstanding or no idea who is Sujata in her real personal or political ground, her qualities, her capabilities, her activities and so on. They simply say I have heard or read something nonsense about her in media, so I hate her. I think it is totally insane to hate someone without knowing him/her.

How her haters are changing to her supporters/lovers?

In my observation, she is really nice, honest, friendly, cooperative and very social person. To be honest, it is hard to have a direct meeting with her but once you get an opportunity of direct conversation or access, you will certainly change to a supporter of her. She listens and considers all rational and legitimate problems and issues in natural manner, once she is convinced, she immediately approaches to help through all possible means without knowing your political and other grounds. She has not any nonsense habits like other Nepalese certified corrupt politicians who ask first about several grounds e.g. relation, contribution, political ideology, recommendations, address, cast, sources, money, and more before to listen your problems.

Why most of her supporters very often annoyed with her?

It is just due to her poor kitchen cabinet. Her secretariats or something similar and its affiliated actors are nor good neither efficient. They bar unwontedly even important people and visitors beyond the interest of Ms. Sujata. They do not often convey your serious message or issues of public interest even to Sujata and neither properly implements the orders and instructions of Ms. Koirala. They often put her in shadow and fulfil their own personal interest by misusing the name of her. It is also pity that she is not being able to monitor and supervise the true performances of her affiliated and recruited staffs and its mechanisms.

What should Ms. Sujata immediately do for her effective, efficient and productive performance?

A. She should immediately reform her personal kitchen cabinet and secretariats and its people with relevance to contemporary perspective of Nepal B. She should make inclusive team in official and personal secretaries and advisory team because it is must for her as she belongs to the Madheshi constituency and represents national women. C. She should develop a special election oriented master strategy with reference to the help for women mainstreaming, mobilization and resolving the crucial issue of Madhesh and Madheshi and other ethnic minorities too. & D. She should include direct and effective public relation and grievances handling schedule as a part of her compulsory daily activities and routine works

What are her major challenges for the election of constitutional assembly?

For instance, one of her major challenges is Madhesh issues and to get supports from the large number of Madheshi voters in her constituency, which is not an easy job. As Madheshi doesn’t consider her as a Madheshi ethnicity and neither seems until now in the mood to support the non-Madheshi candidate in the Madhesh. However, she has huge sympathy form the Madheshi and non-Madheshi women groups and communities and she is also exceptional non-Madheshi leader who has strong and good personal coordinative relation with Madheshi leaders and parties including the leader of MPRF, Sadbhawana, TMLP, RPP, NC, and UML etc. She also significantly raises and advocates the voices of Madheshi and other deprived ethnic group’s need and interests in various official and non official national and international forums. Therefore, it would not be impossible to manage the challenges, if she uses good and systematic efforts.

Another challenge is a high expectation of women from her leadership. In addition, there are plenty of existing Parliamentarians and future political cadres who have also huge expectation from her for parliamentary tickets, pecuniary supports and more. Hence, it is natural challenges and seems manageable for her, however, urgent dynamic role and visionary steps are essential.

(Author is a peace and conflict management professional and lives in Berlin, Germany, he holds special expertise about Nepalese affairs)

नयाँ सहमति र मधेशका मुद्दा

नयाँ सहमति र मधेशका मुद्दा

जयप्रकाश गुप्ता

अन्तरिम संविधानको तेस्रो संशोधनबाट पनि मधेसका जल्दाबल्दा विषयहरूलाई पन्छाउने सात दल र सरकारले संविधानसभाको निर्वाचनमा मधेशीलाई कसरी सहभागी गराउन सक्छन्?

समझ्दारीको शृङ्खलामा सात दलबीच फेरि एउटा २३ सूत्रीय समझ्दारी थपिएको छ। यो समझ्दारीको कार्यदिशा अगामी चैतभित्रमा संविधानसभाको चुनाव गराउनु भनिएको छ। आम अपेक्षाका आधारमा अब चुनाव हुनुपर्ने हो। तर जसले खासगरी मुख्य दलहरूको आफू हार्ने चुनाव किन गराउने भन्ने आत्मपरक निष्कर्ष र संघीयताका नाममा हरण हुने एकात्मवादी शासन रक्षाको चिन्ता यसअघिको निर्वाचन स्थगनको गुह्य कारण हुन् भन्ने बुझेका छन्; तिनलाई चैतमा पनि निर्वाचन हुने कुरामा विश्वास गर्न गाह्रो छ। यसको साथै चैतमा संविधानसभाको चुनाव हुनेमा ठूलो अविश्वास मधेशको भयावह हुँदै गएको घटनाक्रमले पनि खडा गरेको छ।

मधेसको क्षेत्रबाट संविधानसभाको चुनावमा अवरोध आउन सक्ने तीन वटा सङ्गठनात्मक पक्षहरू छन्ः पहिलो, नेपालको पूर्वी–दक्षिणी ओरालोका मधेशी भागमा समेत सशक्तताका साथ बढेका लिम्बूवान् पक्ष तथा आवद्ध मोर्चाहरू; दोस्रो, मधेशको सवालमा शान्तिपूर्ण तरिका अपनाएका तर मागमा अविचलित फोरम र मोर्चाहरू; तथा तेस्रो, पृथकताको मागमा अडेका विभिन्न सशस्त्र विद्रोहीहरू। यीमध्ये लिम्बूवान पक्षबाट चुनावको शान्तिपूर्ण सम्पादनमा सामान्य कठिनाई हुन र मधेशी सशस्त्र समूहबाट चुनाव रक्तरञ्जित हुनसक्ने कुरामा द्विविधा छैन। तर मधेशका आन्दोलनरत् शान्तिपूर्ण मोर्चाहरूले गर्नसक्ने निर्वाचनविरोधी जनपरिचालनबाट चुनाव नै हुनसक्दैन। यी वा यीमध्ये केही शक्तिबीच आपसमा चुनाव गर्न नदिने सहकार्य भएमा मुलुकको ठूलो हिस्सामा चुनाव असम्भव हुन्छ।

मुलुकमा, खासगरी मधेशमा, शान्तिको सार्थक प्रयास नथाल्ने हो भने साधारण आँखाले देखिने आसन्न दृश्य यही नै हो। यस दृश्यको मञ्चनलाई प्रोत्साहित नै गर्ने हो भने त्यो शाही सत्ताका बखत गरिएको निर्वाचनले जनआन्दोलन–२ लाई उक्साएको जस्तो सकारात्मक परिणाम दिने खालको हँुदैन। बरु, त्यसले मुलुकमा नचिताइएको हिंसालाई बढाउनेछ। त्यसको परिणामस्वरुप मुलुकको विखण्डनको एजेण्डा संस्थागत हुनेछ।

यस्तो परिकल्पनाले सबैलाई दुःखी तुल्याउनु स्वाभाविक नै हो। तसर्थ यस भयावह दुःखमा बस्न अभ्यस्त हुने संस्कृतिको विकास गर्नुभन्दा आजै समस्याको समाधानका लागि उपाय खोज्नु प्रासङ्गिक हुन्छ। गत माघमा अन्तरिम संविधान लागू गरिँदा मधेशले आफ्ना अपेक्षाहरूलाई स्पष्टताका साथ राखेको थियो। तर त्यसलाई वेबास्ता नै गरियो। मधेश आन्दोलन पश्चात् संघीयता, जनसङ्ख्यामा आधारित प्रतिनिधित्वलगायत केही विषयहरूमा सहमति भयो। अन्य आधारभूत सवालहरूका बारेमा आन्दोलनरत् समूहहरूसँग सरकारको वार्ता जारी रहँदै गरेको बेला अन्तरिम संविधानमा दोस्रो संशोधनको प्रस्ताव हठपूर्वक संसदमा छिराइयो। त्यसपछि विभिन्न आन्दोलनकारी पक्षहरूसँग भएको सहमतिले संविधानमा तेस्रो संशोधनको औचित्यलाई अकाट्य बनाएका छन्।

मधेशको दृष्टिकोणबाट संविधानमा 'गणतन्त्र'को प्रावधान आउनु स्वागतयोग्य विषय हो। संविधानको प्रस्तावनामा 'मधेशी पहिचानको मान्यता' वस्तुतः नेपालको बहुसांस्कृतिक चरित्रअनुरुप भएपनि यसलाई संशोधनमा स्वीकारिएको छैन। मधेशले भावी संविधानमा राजनीतिक अधिकारका साथै जनताका सामाजिक–आर्थिक–धार्मिक–सामुदायिक तथा सांस्कृतिक अधिकारहरूको प्रत्याभूति खोजेको हो। यसअघि मधेश आन्दोलनको दायित्व पूरा गर्न दोस्रो संशोधनबाट समावेश गरिएको 'संघीयता' आत्मनिर्णयको अधिकारसहित क्षेत्रीय स्वायत्ततायुक्त हुनु पर्दछ भन्ने मान्यता मधेशको एक मुख्य माग छँदैछ। मधेशले प्रारम्भदेखि नै पूर्ण समानुपातिक निर्वाचन प्रणालीमा जोड दिँदै आएको हो।

यसअघिकै संविधानसभाको सदस्य सङ्ख्यालाई पूर्ण समानुपातिकमा रूपान्तरण गरिँदा पनि हालै संसदबाट पारित समानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्व सम्बन्धी कानूनअनुसार मधेशी समुहले सूची प्रणालीमा कम्तीमा पनि आफ्नो समुदायको जनसङ्ख्याको अनुपातमा उम्मेदवार चयन गर्नका लागि अन्य गैरमधेशी क्षेत्रबाट सूची बनाउनुपर्ने बाध्यता विद्यमान छ। अब संविधानसभाको सदस्य सङ्ख्या ६०१ बनाइएको तेस्रो संशोधनबाट मधेशीको प्रतिनिधित्वलाई यथार्थमा खुम्च्याउने काम भएको छ। यसरी नै अन्तरिम संविधानमै किटान गरिएको राज्य पुनर्संरचना आयोगको कार्यक्षेत्रले यस आयोगलाई मधेश तथा अन्य उपेक्षित समुदायको अपेक्षा अनुसार प्रदेशहरूको सिफारिस गर्न दिएको छैन। राज्यको पुनर्संरचनाका सन्दर्भमा 'मधेशको प्रादेशिक अक्षुण्णता'को अहम् विषयलाई नयाँ संविधानमा प्रवेश गराउन यो सवाल आजै संविधान संशोधनको विषय बनेको छ। संविधानसभामा मधेशीको जनसङ्ख्याको आधारमा प्रतिनिधित्वका लागि पहिलो हुने जित्ने निर्वाचन क्षेत्रको सार्थक पुनरावलोकन फेरि पनि संविधान संशोधनकै विषय हो। यससम्बन्धी प्रतिवेदनको खारेजीको माग गर्दै मधेशी सांसदहरूबाट डेढ महिनासम्म संसद अवरूद्ध हुँदा पनि सो विषयको समाधान भएको छैन।

उपर्युक्त विषयहरू मधेशका सशस्त्र र निरस्त्र दुवै पक्षका साझा मुद्दा हुन्। यसबाहेक सशस्त्र समूहका मात्र अलग मुद्दा छन्– मधेशलाई अलग मुलुक बनाउने। यस स्थितिमा मधेशका साझा मागहरूको बारेमा राज्यको स्पष्टता आउनु पर्दछ― कि त ठीक भनेर, कि नाजायज। ठीक हो भने विद्यमान अन्तरिम संविधानले अङ्गीकार गर्ने विषय हुन् वा होइनन् भनी स्पष्ट गर्नु पर्‍यो। तेस्रो संशोधनबाट यी विषयहरूलाई पन्छाएर सात दल र सरकारले संविधानसभाको निर्वाचनमा मधेशीलाई कसरी सहभागी गराउन सक्छन्? यसमा सात दल र सरकारबाट इमान्दार प्रयास नहुँदा मधेशका सशस्त्र र निरस्त्र समूहहरूको साझा मागलाई पूरा गराउन आवश्यक देखिने अन्तर–आबद्धतालाई कसरी कम गर्ने, यो सर्वाधिक विचारणीय छ। यसैको निरुपणबाट चैतमा संविधानसभाको निर्वाचन गर्न मधेशको सहमति बन्न सक्छ।

source:

लालबुझक्कडका काधमा मधेस

लालबुझक्कडका काधमा मधेस
तर्राई चिनौं / By : चन्द्रकिशोर

द्रुतगतिमा विकसित राष्ट्रिय राजनीतिले लामो आरोह-अवरोहपछि सहमतिको गोरेटो समातेको छ । जनआन्दोलन- ०६२/६३ को एउटा प्रमुख आदेश थियो- सहमतिको राजनीति । पछिल्लो सहमतिको प्रक्रियापछि राष्ट्रिय संकल्पका रूपमा रहेको संविधानसभा निर्वाचनतिर राजनीतिक मूलधार मोडिएको छ । राजनीतिको संस्थापन धारमा रहेका जनताका प्रतिनिधिले नेपाली जनताको पक्षमा मन्दगतिमै सही- आफ्ना तमाम सीमाका बाबजुद अग्रगामी ऐतिहासिक कार्य गरेका छन् ।

अब निर्धारित महिनाभित्र संविधानसभा निर्वाचन होला - संस्थापन पक्षका कोही 'निर्धारित समयभित्र चुनाव हुन नसके बरु हालको व्यवस्थापिका संसद्मै अन्य सरोकारवाला पक्षलाई सामेल गर्राई त्यसैलाई संविधानसभाको स्वरूप दिनुपर्ने' तर्क गरिरहेका छन् त कोही 'संविधानसभा निर्वाचन हुन नसके बरु संसद्कै निर्वाचन ठीक' भनिरहेका छन् । सबै एकढिक्का भएर संविधानसभा निर्वाचनका पक्षमा बोल्न सकेका छैनन्, आफ“ैमा आत्मविश्वासको कमी देखिएको छ । संस्थापन शक्तिबीचको यो अन्तरविरोध निर्वाचन मैत्री वातावरणका लागि ऋणात्मक छ ।

मुलुक युगान्तकारी परिवर्तनको सम्भावनासहित राजनैतिक संक्रमणको विशिष्ट अवस्थाबाट गुज्र“दै छ । ऐतिहासिक जनआन्दोलनको गर्भबाट जन्मिएको यो संक्रमणकालको सुखद् अन्त्यका लागि उत्पन्न चुनौतीको जनआन्दोलनमा प्रकट भएको भावनाअनुरूपको समाधान आधारभूत र्सत हो । नत्र संक्रमणकाल ००७ सालको जस्तो असफल र ०४६ को जस्तो अपांग हुने अवस्था पनि आउन सक्छ । जनआन्दोलन- ०६३ बाट निर्देशित अग्रगामी दिशा र मधेस व्रि्रोहले तय गरेको कार्यसूची हो- संक्रमणकालको अन्त्य र संविधानसभा -स्वतन्त्र, निष्पक्ष, भयरहित तथा व्यापक जनसहभागितासहितको) मार्फ् समावेशी लोकतन्त्र स्थापना ।

सातदलको वर्तमान नेतृत्व जिम्मेवारीपर्ूवक नआउने र आफूले गरेका निर्ण्र्ााकार्यान्वयन नगर्ने, उदासीन हुने एवं सहमति बारम्बार फर्ेर्दै जनतालाई सधै“ झुक्याइरहने स्थिति रह“दा मुलुकमा अनेकौ“ समीकरणको जन्म हुन सक्छ । सातदलभित्रका राजतन्त्रवादी शक्ति एकै ठाउ“मा गएर व्रि्रोह गर्न सक्ने सम्भावना हाल देखि“दैन तर ती तत्त्व स्थिर भएर पनि बस्दैनन् । किनारीकृत समूहहरूको आवाजलाई सम्बोधन गर्न, आश्वस्त पार्न, विश्वासमा लिएर अगाडि बढ्न संस्थापन शक्तिहरू चुकिरहेका छन् ।

नेपाली राजनीतिको सबैभन्दा महत्त्वपर्ूण्ा पक्ष बनेको मधेसमा अहिले सबै ठूला दलले आ“खा गाडिरहेका छन् । मधेसी दल भने संविधानसभा निर्वाचनका पक्षमा खुलेर लागेका छन् । तर्राई-मधेस लोकतान्त्रिक पार्टर्ीी अध्यक्षले प्रस्तुत गरेको आधिकारिक अभिमतमा भनिएको छ- 'संविधानसभाका हामी विरोधी होइनौ“ । सबैको र्सार्थक र न्यायपर्ूण्ा उपस्थितियुक्त, उपलब्धिमूलक संविधानसभा हुने वातावरण हुनुपर्‍यो । सहज र शान्तिपर्ूण्ा तरिकाबाट अभिमत प्रकट गर्ने जनअधिकारको सम्मान गछौर्“ तर बल प्रयोगबाट समाधान खोज्ने मानसिकतासित हाम्रो पर्ूण्ा असहमति छ । र्सवप्रथम मधेसमा शान्तिपर्ूण्ा अवस्था र स्थिति बन्नु आवश्यक छ ।' महन्थ ठाकुरको यस दृष्टिकोणलाई कदापि गैरलोकतान्त्रिक र उक्साहटको अभिव्यक्ति भन्न मिल्दैन । मधेसको बोली यही हो ।

यतिखेर मधेस आन्दोलनउन्मुख देखिएको छ । मधेसी संगठन आ-आफ्ना स्तरमा मधेसी असन्तुष्टिलाई आन्दोलनमार्फ् अभिव्यक्त गर्न गृहकार्यमा छन् । एउटा र्सार्थक र सम्पर्ूण्ा मधेस व्रि्रोह-२ को तयारी भइरहेको छ । यस पर्रि्रेक्ष्यमा सात दलले चैतमा निर्वाचन गर्न मधेसका सशस्त्र समूहलाई मूलधारको राजनीतिमा ल्याउनै पर्ने चुनौती मात्र छैन, शान्तिपर्ूण्ा राजनीतिको दाबी गर्ने दलहरूलाई पक्षमा लिन पनि उत्तिकै अपरिहार्य छ । मधेसका दललाई बेवास्ता गरियो भने यिनीहरू नै संविधानसभाका लागि ठूलो चुनौती बन्नेछन् । मधेसका दलहरूलाई उपेक्षा गरेर चुनाव गराउन सम्भव छैन ।

तर मधेसका दलहरुले पनि संविधानसभापर्ूव राज्यले के-के गर्नुपर्ने हो, साझा सूची प्रस्तुत गर्नुपर्छ । संविधानसभामार्फ् मधेससहित समग्र नेपालको अग्रगामी रूपान्तरणका लागि मधेसका सबै संर्घष्ारत शक्तिबीच संवाद भई न्यूनतम मार्गचित्रमा मोर्चाबन्दी नभए राजनीतिले सकारात्मक दिशा पाउने सम्भावना तुहिन सक्छ । मधेसमा सामाजिक ध्रुवीकरण बढ्दै गएको छ । समाज पहाड र मधेसबीच विभाजित हु“दै गइरहेको छ । सामाजिक अलगाव गर्ने तत्त्वहरू नियोजित रूपमा क्रियाशील छन्, हिंसाको क्रम बढ्दै छ । मधेसबाहिर पनि हिंसाको प्रभाव छरिएर जाओस्जस्ता अभ्रि्रायलक्षित हिंसाचक्र थालिएको छ । आम जनताको मनोभावना एकतिर छ, चलखेल गर्नेहरू अर्कोतिर सक्रिय छन् । यता राज्य केवल बल प्रयोग गरेर निकास खोज्न आतुर छ किन - बुझिसक्नु छैन ।

मधेसको न्यायपर्ूण्ा र जायज मागनिम्ति संर्घष्ारत पक्षको पनि जिम्मेवारी बढेको छ- मधेसलाई कमभन्दा कम क्षति पुर्‍याएर मूलप्रवाहीकरणको प्रक्रियाका निम्ति दबाब-माध्यम बन्ने । मधेसको सामाजिक रिक्तताले समग्रमा मधेसी समुदायको हित गर्दैन । कुनै पनि समाजविशेषको उन्नयनका निम्ति सामाजिक बहुलता चाहिन्छ । एकल समाजको उन्नयन गति मन्द हुन्छ । मधेसभित्र केवल पहाडे मात्र होइन, स्वंय मधेसी समाज पनि विविधतायुक्त रहेको छ । यो नै यस भूगोलको पु“जी हो । मधेसले एउटा भूगोललाई प्रतिनिधित्व गरेपछि यस क्षेत्रमा बसोबास गर्ने सबैको साझा सोच विकसित गर्नु-गराउनु नै बुद्धिमानी हुन्छ । नया“-नया“ शक्ति प्रकट हुनु आफै“मा नराम्रो होइन तर प्रतिरक्षामा संगठित भएका शक्तिले परिस्थितिलाई विकराल नै बनाउ“छन् ।

संविधानसभा हुनर्ुपर्छ, मधेस यसको विरोधमा देखिनुहु“दैन र राज्य पनि मधेसको विरोधमा रहेको देखिनुहुन्न । लोकतन्त्र प्राप्ति र मुलुकको नवनिर्माणका लागि विगतमा मधेसले ठूलो बलिदान दिएको छ । मधेसी जनताले आफूलाई राज्यले 'धोखा' दियो भन्ने भावना राखे भने यसले मुलुकको स्वास्थ्यका लागि हितकर गर्दैन । जिम्मेवारीको भार राज्य र सातदलमाथि त छदैछ, त्यत्तिकै भार मधेसी दलको का“धमाथि पनि छ । दुइटै पक्षले मधेसको कार्यभार बोक्नमा असन्तुलन गर्‍यो भने त्यसपछि ठूलो दुघटना हुन सक्छ । राजनीति गर्नेहरू आफै“ लालबुझक्कड हुन्, अरू नै के भन्नुपर्ला र !
स्रोत: NayaaPatrikaa

NATURAL DEATH

NATURAL DEATH

When an institution loses its substance, the fall of its edifice is usually a matter of time. Nepal’s monarchy had long become an anachronism in this age of mass politics. Given the rising public sentiment against it, even its ceremonial existence, like that of the British monarchy, is now politically and morally untenable. Events since last year’s pro-democracy movement have made the people’s will abundantly clear. The interim government of Girija Prasad Koirala has now reflected the spirit of the age by agreeing to abolish the institution after next year’s elections to the constituent assembly. It would be wrong, though, to see it as a victory for the Maoists. The former rebels may have articulated the anti-monarchy sentiment more strongly than the country’s other political forces. But the decision is only a logical sequence to the hiatus between the king and the country that has been evident over the past two years. Ironically, King Gyanendra himself stymied the future of the monarchy with his persistent resistance to the people’s democratic hopes. Specious arguments had been offered in order to try and save the constitutional monarchy. Doubts still linger over the Maoists’ motives and long-term strategies. But none of these could be a good enough reason to save the monarchy and imperil the democratic experiment. However, the abolition of the monarchy is only the first step in a long road ahead. The government’s other decision to rebuild Nepal as a “federal democratic republic” is the real challenge. A new constituent assembly and a new constitution will help strengthen the democratic institutions. But the experiment with federalism could be a harder issue to tackle. Yet, neither the democratic parties nor the Maoists can afford to ignore it. The violent upheavals among the ethnic people in the Terai region could be a major source of future trouble if the issue is not addressed seriously. The demand for a higher representation for ethnic people in parliament has its merits. It need not necessarily be a threat to Nepal’s territorial integrity. Even if some ethnic groups show fissiparous tendencies, the only remedy will be a truly inclusive democracy. Having cleared the doubts about the monarchy’s future, Mr Koirala should waste no more time in announcing the poll schedule. Only a return to democracy can save Nepal from falling completely into the Maoist trap. Source:telegraphindia