General Strike: End Political Deadlock of Nepal

By Krishna Hari Pushkar

International Labor Day this year was fouled by a crude general strike in Nepal, which was declared by the opposition Maoist Party. In the beginning, it was seen as a peaceful and disciplined movement. However, it is being unexpectedly longer.

Public patience is running out, poor are forced to live without food, sick people are being barred from treatment. People are not allowed to work. The majority have crises to solve with day-to-day, hand-to-mouth problems. Public movement, economic transactions and transportation are in a state of frost. Human rights and fundamental rights have been kyboshed. General life and its activities are totally stopped. Even humanitarian emergency activities are suspended due to the general strike around the nation.

Everything seems out of order. The public's patience has died and seems uncontent to have this general strike. Generally, people have started the war against the strike both inside and outside of the valley. People came on the road to confront Maoist cadres and its supporters. Peace rallies are also being held across the nation in initiation of various professional and commercial organizations.

The direct and indirect confrontational activities are being more & more violent, so the state has ordered curfews to counter possible causalities in various districts. The numbers of equipped security personnel have heightened to riposte the general strike of Maoist.

The fourth, fifth and sixth day of the general strike were dreadful to observe and accounted for lots of incidents of confrontation between Maoist supporters and others in various valleys and cities across the country. Moreover, the government has also decided to use the army for protection of special areas and places in accordance with comprehensive peace accord. In this regards, the representatives of ruling political parties and opposition Maoist leaders have held series of dialogues in luxurious hotels to end the political deadlocks; however results of the efforts were not found until now.

The diplomatic and international community have also put huge pressure and interventional efforts on both government and Maoists. India and China have already expressed and used their open concerns and diplomatic therapy against the ongoing deadly political situation. The UN, US and EU are continuing their special efforts to address the standstill. They are keeping up continuous pressure on both parties to find quick common ground for political consensus. However, these efforts have not yet been effective.

Consequently, the length of the general strike is being increased while at the same time, the state of topsy-turvydom is adding up out of the blue. There are dual interpretations of the ongoing general strike. Maoists explain it is held to achieve the motto of the comprehensive peace accord, to obtain a new constitution within deadlines and to constitute legitimate multi party consensus government under the prime ministership of Maoist leader Mr. Prachanda. The second viewpoint is that the government and its ruling coalition claims that the general strike is unethical, undemocratic and unconstitutional. They contend it is just being held to change the prime minister, and ruling leaders claim the hidden goal of the strike is to just establish Maoist party's' chairman Mr. Puspa Kamal Dahal aka Prachanda as prime minister of Nepal, and the party as a major pillar of government.

The ruling party also accuse Maoists of wanting to put the nation into chaos and plotting to boot out the exiting democratic forces from political mainstream. They want to capture overall state functions and functionaries into captivity with muscle, and integrate its former political combatants into state's defense and security mechanism without following the national and international rules and standards.

Furthermore, democratic forces blame Maoists of acting beyond the constitution and rules of law. Government blames the opposition Maoist party as neither respecting the constitutional provisions nor paying honest attention towards the comprehensive peace accord. Hence, the practices and performances of constitutional assembly have become totally defunct and the execution of comprehensive peace accord is paralyzed. Simply stated, currently the overall state affair e.g. constitution assembly, cabinet, peace process etc, are out of whack and jeopardized.

Before beginning, and after enforcement of the ongoing general strikes, there have been series of meetings and dialogues between Maoist parties and representatives of ruling parties to win common ground for political consensus. However, both parties have not yet found any common grounds, which is an opprobrious and clear proof of their incapability. It has openly proved the deficits of the involved politicians.

Maoists believe that power is taken, not given anywhere in the world, so, they will take power and acquire all their demands. Ruling parties say that this viewpoint will only happen in their dreams. The government and its coalition parties won't compromise at all in the legitimate constitutional process.

The road is not a way to remove the prime minister, and the existing prime minister will not resign at all till he is removed through due constitutional process. Hence, the state of differences seems enormous between the parties. It is rib-tickling to imagine both parties sitting to talk and looking for gentle negotiation without compromising their slanted need and demand.

Strategically, the ruling parties have requested Maoists to come through constitutional assembly, if they seek to change the government, rather than general strike or other means that may be painful to people. The Government has also repeatedly requested them to fulfill at least the minimum degree of former commitments before getting the resignation of Prime Minister Mr. Nepal. Minimum commitments include transforming the young communist league (YCL) from paramilitary force to democratic student wings or its desolation, suitable integration and management of ex-Maoist combatants, giving back of seized and captured properties to its true owners without any condition and fully free and transform the Maoist party from militant or paramilitary groups into civil parties. In addition, ruling parties are also asking to stop force donation culture, devastation of parallel government system, stop criminal activities and all activities that are against the norms of democracy and rule of law.

Surprisingly, beside the series of meetings and dialogues there have been no progresses at all. Of course, the Maoists and the government both have plenty of weaknesses, and both parties are not able to honestly enforce the previous commitments and agreed issues in accordance with national need and corresponding political roadmap.

The first series of five dialogues and meetings failed because of the autarchy nature and anarchical characteristics of the confronting parties and its leaders. Both of the parties are putting forward their logic while ignoring the sensitivity of political deadlocks. Both parties are not found serious enough about public and national interests. Neither of the leaders have been able to achieve peace or a constitution in due time.

So, representatives of both teams are not found technically sound. In public eyes, both groups are crazy to capture the cabinet, but they do not foresee the impacts of the ongoing political chaos. Therefore, both parties must rethink and reorganize their representatives, and strategic ways for peaceful dialogue, putting the people and national interest into center-focus. They must come above its political and individual selfishness respecting the mandate of general people's movement, sprit of constitutional assembly and comprehensive peace accord.

Specially, to get true success of peaceful dialogue, the negotiation team must take authorized consent from the respective parties, mentioning clearly about the degree of flexibility along with efficient roadmap, which may able to bring the parties into easy consensus. There are also difficulties and conflict of interest among inter-intra parties and leaders, so, the governments' representatives must participate as valued observers during the pre-ongoing and post dialogue phases to resolve the crisis constructively. Equally, the dialogue team must be inclusive and should incorporate the representation of all parliamentarian forces with new ideas and approaches, otherwise out-dated models and traditional political leaders will not be able to reach a peaceful destination as expected by general public of Nepal.

Both parties must be liberal and compromise in political consensus. Specially, it is important to execute first the previous agreements and commitments duly. Both government and opposition should stop ignoring previous commitments and agreements.

All political parties should practice the philosophy of constitutionalism and rule of law until it works. They must sit together in parliament/ or constitution assembly for necessary dialogues and systematic negotiation. Both parties may also use the system of high-level political mechanism for the purpose. They should also include more, or invite other relevant leading leaders from the respective parties, government and independent personalities from civil society and others necessary groups.

Politicians must understand the needs and interests of the nation and its people, otherwise anarchic and autocratic politicians and parties will gradually collapse as happened in past regimes. Nepalese people want long-lasting freedoms from all types of political confrontation and conflicts. Nepalese are peace-loving people and want to see peace, peace and more peace, so all should stop all types of violence, strikes and political confrontations from their political paths and strategies.

Source

Politics on Peace and Constitution in Nepal

By Krishnahari Pushkar

Nepal's much awaited highlevel political mechanism (HPM) finally has constituted, but there is much confusion. It is viewed differently in the national and international arena. Some political pundits look at the mechanism as an important milestone while others see a strategic conspiracy. Major national and internationally stakeholders including the UN conditionally and carefully welcomed the new mechanism, with the hope and belief it will lead to positive outcomes.

Interestingly, the voices of favor and dissent in HPM began on the day of its establishment. Senior leaders from some parties are against the mechanism and see it as a serious conspiracy.

Many people say they do not understand this dramatic development of how the political parties and leaders came so easily to join together on this political mechanism without compromising and building consensus over the conflicting political agendas.

The important issue is that HPM is neither politically-democratically approved, nor is there a clear working strategy. So people are curious to know how such a mechanism will cope with the existing paradoxical scenario where the ruling and opposition parties are being confronted and endlessly conducting political marathons against each other. Frankly speaking, the ruling and opposition parties are not on the right track. All are focused on power-games rather than contributing towards the logical end of the peace process and building the constitution for New Nepal.

The parties and their leaders have forgotten their principal mandates, and they have deviated from the path they committed to. Specifically, peace building through successful implementation of a comprehensive peace accord (CPA) and restructuring the state through constitution building should be the principal goals of the national polity. However, both issues are in limbo and have become matters of lower priority.

I believe what is needed is a clear and visionary roadmap, using HPM, with really positive goals and objectives working towards the peace process and constitution building. Otherwise, it will be understood publicly as a continuation of a strategic conspiracy culture against the existing coalition government.

The mechanism should able to expose clearly how they will handle the issue of Maoist version of civil supremacy, madhesi and other ethnic version of inclusion and federalism, the confused and misguided version of PLA integration and many more contemporary issues that have become issues of mutual face-offs among the parties. In addition, HPM should describe the agreed structure of the cabinet and how they work to address the national agenda and priority.

These are really crucial questions for all Nepalese as well as concerned institutions and agencies, so it must be clarified beforehand to see the HPM as a part of positive effort and commitment for the peace process and constitution building.

Experts illustrate that peace process and constitution writing will not be successes until Nepal gets a multi party coalition government and common political consensus on the aforementioned issues. The peace process and constitution writing may be further paralyzed if even a single political actor is ignored or excluded from both the peace and constitution building processes. Therefore, all parties and political forces should be given equal importance and treated democratically in a rational manner.

In plain view, the peace process should reach almost a logical destination once the cantonment based former Maoist guerrillas are successfully managed in accordance with the letter and spirit of the CPA and Interim Constitution of Nepal (ICN).

The ruling party and opposition both are avoiding the major issues by using various crosscutting power-politics, and switching day by day the public commitments. In addition, in the name of democracy and politics, all of the Nepalese political parties are acting beyond political ethics. The general Public are irritated and fed up with Nepalese political culture, the smaller and bigger all parties believe that criminalized politics, militarized activities and roughshod impunity are the ways to oppose the government while they live in the opposition room.

Nowadays, no political parties look at legacy, legitimacy, rationality, relevancy and utility of their political activities, rather they have a blind desire to capturing the cabinet. In such context, how can Nepalese people expect positive value from HPM without experiencing the forthcoming impacts into practice? The people are in confusion. The HPM has created a huge illusion among the stakeholders of the Nepalese peace and constitution building process.

The international community, specially the UN believe that HPM is a product of continuous efforts of United Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) and also the UN Secretary General Mr. Ban Ki Moon, but it is just a misconception. It is because the HPM was not constituted in accordance with the spirit of diplomatic efforts, peace accord and constitutional provision.

It is sad to say, in many ways, the UNMIN is a failed mission, not able to achieve its even minimum assigned tasks and responsibilities.

It has not done much except to have a nominal role in technical affairs of cantonment management, verification, political marketing and to pay just limited diplomatic courtesy. The UNMIN is observed as an ambiguous agency that raises the situation of confrontation among the major political parties.

One can ask why does the UNMIN still stand, given such failure and low performance? Experts say it is only to respect the UN resolution and to maintain the relationship with UN for future support and continuation of ongoing development process and post conflict affairs of Nepal.

The UNMIN is seen by opposition political parties in Nepal, as a pro-Maoist institution, however, this is not completely true, even though politicians blame it for being so. The UNMIN became unpopular due to weak diplomacy of its managers; most of them have been unable to even deliver proper diplomatic output and failed to maintain the minimum diplomatic code of conduct. Most of the UNMIN officials poorly manage their assigned roles and dutiess in the peace and conflict affairs of Nepal.

They are unable to manage effectively even the cantonment, verification process etc and to deliver diplomatic pressure on respective politicians to enforce CPA efficiently, duties assigned by UN resolutions.

The Politicians are polarized on UNMIM performance, some of the politicians have strong affection and some of them are alienated, so the public are under serous confusion to identify who is right and who is wrong. The reality is that UNMIN failed to maintain balanced relationsips and deliver impartiality, neutrality and diplomatic capabilities. That being the case, the HPM must unite and make necessary common consensus to deal with UNMIN. The HPM needs to exploit the positive features of UNMIN systematically, that could be helpful to facilitate the ongoing peace process to a logical end.

Nepal has a history of the sorriest experiences of constitutional instability, changing its constitution so often. The HPM must succeed, to include the needed characteristics in the new constitution to make it more sustainable, visionary, reliable, and people and nation centric.

The HPM must learn from the countries where the constitution functions well over decades, especially from the US, Canada, Australia, India, France, Switzerland. Those constitutions have nice characteristics, are well established and considered good constitutions by their people and the world.

Among these constitutions, we found some common similarities; holding enough public legitimacy, having greater public and political trust and respect, addressing the greater degree of domestic and international affairs. The constitutions are also successes in transforming diversity into pluralism, addressing the need and desire of excluded, marginalized and deprived groups and societies of the nation, delivering good governance, making rational redistribution and maintaining social justice.

The assurances of public rights and high level of liberties is a common feature among them; they also guarantee civil supremacy, good governance, constitutionalism and rule of law. However, the meaning, definition and understanding of the discussed characteristics may be differed in each country and context. In addition, the constitutions are capable enough to deal with the possible peace building, conflict management and to handle the contemporary issues of the respective nations.

The rational flexibility of the constitutions allow them to respond to unexpected matters and future affairs of the nation. These constitutions are considered very homely and nationalistic, and developed in accordance with the need and importance of the nation. They mention international dignity and cope with international diplomacy by leading their images in the international arena. Indeed, providing good national security and maintaining national unity and integration is also a principal strength of these constitutions.

One of the most essential strength of the constitutions is that states are efficiently and significantly providing all basic and common goods, services and opportunity to the people without disorder and discrimination. The scientific provisions of justified power sharing, constitutional provisions to respect the majorities and preservation of minorities on the basis of equality and equity are additional strengths.

The justified social inclusion and scientific representation provisions are major, to provide the opportunity for national mainstreaming. The constitutions have assured discrimination free society and necessary legal arrangements against any disqualification of people's life and governance.

In short, these constitutions have capabilities to bring and maintain peace and harmony in the nation. The exemplified constitutions are well capable to manage conflicts in efficient ways; proved capable to keep their people and nation happy, healthy, and prosperous. The constitutions are capable of providing solutions of the majority of national sociopolitical issues.

The ruling and oppositions parties pay equal respect to the constitution. It does not a matter whether the countries are practicing capitalism, socialism, or a mix of governance or adopt unitary, federalism, confederation or any other type of government or governance. The illustrated constitutions provide different types of approaches for governances or government, but all are considered successful to a greater extent because they have been delivering and bearing those characteristics lucratively in a systematic and scientific manner.

Generally, every constitution should be capable of keeping their nation and people more happy, healthy and prosperous, which are considered major characteristics of a sustainable constitution. Therefore, the HPM must be careful and capable to include those essential characteristics in the upcoming constitution of Nepal, if they are committed to making the new constitution sustainable and successful, otherwise unpredictable forces will go in revolt and start fighting for new constitution as happened in the past.

In this regard, the HPM has many challenges and opportunities ahead with huge possibilities of successes, if they act honestly, jointly and continuously in accordance with the people's mandate and spirit of the Interim Constitution of Nepal, by keeping the national interest and people's wishes at teh forefront as a guiding principle of their duties and responsibilities. It seems the principal conditions for HPM are to unite all active parties and politicians to get common political consensus from inside and outside of the power-gameboard to deal with the issue of the peace and constitution building process.

They must achieve national consensus and an all parties coalition government to ensure the logical end of CPA and to achieve the successful and sustainable constitution in due time. The HPM must concentrate on common national agenda and priority rather than focusing on changing the particular parties or leader from the Government.

So I wish Good Luck to the HPM!

(Mr. Krishnahari Pushkar writes about social issues, security and conflict management, often in relation to Nepal. An Under Secretary of Government in Nepal, he is well honored as a Peace, Security and Conflict Management Professional, who contributes regularly to national and international nongovernmental organizations as a peace and conflict management expert.)

Source: http://newsblaze.com/story/20100111132807abha.nb/topstory.html

Nepal’s National Security is Under Threat

To,

1. Rt. Hon. Prime Minister

Government of Nepal

2. Hon. Home Minister,

Government of Nepal

3. Respt. Chief Secretary

Government of Nepal

4. Respt. Home Secretary

Government of Nepal

Subject: Open Letter: “National Security System is under Threat”

Dear Extraordinary,

I am very sad and feel huge terror to see the functional pathos of National Investigation Department of Nepal (NIDN), which is the government’s principal intelligence agency collecting, analyzing, and managing information related to country’s internal security and related affairs. Byelaw and practice, the national spy agency NIDN and its overall functional and administrative activities are considered as one of the most secret at all time. Internationally and nationally, the secretiveness of the NIDN’s activities is most indispensable, so universally it is protected by constitution, professional Act and law related to right to information.

Dear extraordinary, the conventional and modern governance system and polity also have no rights to go beyond the universally legitimated parameter of concealment. As we all know that NIDN plays significant role to maintain effective and efficient security system, especially in terms of harmonizing internal security. It prevents from the possible threat on inter-intra national security, equally, it has huge role in balancing the Nepal related diplomatic quandaries between China and India. Also, we know the secrecy is a breath of the any intelligence institution, so no way to maintain intelligence or spy system without respecting the ethics of secrecy.

Extraordinary, I would like to draw your serious attention about the recent publicity of NIDN’s secret report on “Buddhist monasteries involvement in the Free Tibet movement and anti-China activities” that how such secret report came into media besides its huge security and secrecy system. It made me very annoyed and KO'd. You might know that such publicity can damage our bilateral diplomatic relation and could raise further tensions to deal within the neighborhoods. Similarly, I have heard that many NIDN’s secret report is being out via some dishonest officials. Some of the NIDN’s report is being misused against our national interest. Some criminals may have benefitted too. Therefore, it is urgent need for our government to find out immediately that how NIDN’s secret reports become public besides its sophisticated secret proceedings system. Please find out who is guilty and where is fracture in our system?

Extraordinary, please be serious and constitute immediately an experts’ taskforce to find out first that how such important reports came into media? Further, the culprits should be immediately removed out from the NIDN and Home Ministry’s intelligence system. I think Government needs to rethink in overall management and reengineering of NIDN institution, otherwise national security will come under serious threat and national sovereignty may push into crisis, if such thing continues. Please take necessary precautions without delay.

Therefore, as a capacity of Nepalese citizen, I would like to draw your urgent attention to concentrate on the above mentioned issue and address the problem with high priority.

Thank you very much.

Sincerely,

Krishna Hari Pushkar,

Suga-4, Mahottari, Nepal December 8, 2009

Email: khpushkar@gmail.com

(Note: Mr. Pushkar is Peace and Conflict Management Professional and Under Secretary of Government of Nepal)

Nepal’s Special Security Plan: Political Stunt?

Krishna Hari Pushkar

Nepal is a one of the most leading domicile of many ethno-political insurgents. Since longtime, the country has lost its normalcy of law and order, good governance, civil supremacy, and democratic practices due to fast growing ratio of institutional and private criminal and their rebellion activities. Sadly, the country is terrorized and under control of ochlocracy. Neighboring countries both India and China are fed up, they consider Nepal as a transit hub of ethno-pharisaic terrorist and regressive elements who want their disintegration, and has nabbed the peace and prosperity of their nations. India accuses that Nepal is a center for anti-Indian terrorist and insurgents who use Nepal as it’s’ rehearsal center. Similarly, the China also believes that Nepal has become a nucleus for the anti-China forces, whose aims is to disintegrate China and separate the Tibet from China. Besides, Bhutan also accused Nepal, as a principle sources that generate Bhutan centric insurgents who have spread revolutions for massive sociopolitical change.

Sadly, a recently released index from Foreign Policy depicted Nepal as 25th most likely nation to become a failed state, out of the sixty most vulnerable countries. The group found that conditions in Nepal are more disturbing than in Lebanon, Burkina Faso and Colombia. Nepal has got bed image internationally and internally due to poor security management system, so the M. K. Nepal headed government wants to repair the security sector and willing to achieve its normalcy. People and international community too are keeping continuous pressure to the government to secure duly public lives, liberty, and properties. People want to live in peace, prosperity and harmonious environment. They are unable to see more violence, criminalities and abuses of human rights. They do not want to be again a victim of warfare and have no more stamina to suffer with crude humanitarian crisis. The public want full assurances of physical and psychological security from government in entire part of the nation; people seek to see quick improvement in existing security mechanism and asking government to come with effective special security plan and strategy. In this context, the UML led cabinet has recently designed and enforced a government-claimed strategic security plan called Special Security Plan (SSP) which is highly criticized by regional and ethnic political forces. However, the productivity of the SSP is yet to examine.

The government claims that special security plan aimed to improving the deteriorated law and order situation across country. It is said that the main objective of the plan is to control anarchy, promote human rights and end impunity. Basically, the Home Minister describes, the SSP focuses in five areas including controlling the road blockades besides curbing organized and serious types of crime. It will take up special security measures for Kathmandu Valley, tangible improvement in the security situation of the Tarai especially in the eastern and mid-western regions where scores of armed groups have posed a threat to law and order in the southern plains bordering India. It proposes to effectively mobilize the three security agencies - Nepal Police, Armed Police Force and National Investigation Department- under a unified command. Moreover, ensuring essential service and nabbing criminals are the core tasks. The plan aims to strictly prohibit the closing of public offices and educational institutions. The plan claims that the government will deploy well-equipped security personnel with adequate arms and coordinate with security staff deployed in various areas of the border. The plan aims to provide security for those targeted by criminals. To take special care of the crime-prone and to massively mobilize security personnel are also strategies under the plan. To increase the productiveness of the plan, the security agencies will manage security forces with weapons to patrol on motorbikes, security picketing twenty four hours, no closure of offices, blockade of roads and traffic, emergency frisking and searches, cordon and search in suspect areas. The special security squad comprises at least twenty Nepal Police and thirty Armed Police Force personnel. The special security team has been given the authority to carry out raids in suspicious places, security checks in different parts of the district with the help of local police and can also hold suspicious persons in their custody for investigation purposes. The team would also arrange security for high-level government officials and political party leaders.

The above described plan is reader friendly and written in systematic order as also experienced during the regime of previous government. However, people do not see any new invention in recently introduced special security plan. There is nothing new. All the exaggerated provisions are made continuous in law since years, so it is not more than “Old wine in new Bottle”. The plan also sounds like the same provision which was introduced during the Gyanendra’s autocratic regime, where the King Gyanendra had imposed the special security plan to control the Maoist activities and democratic movement against his direct executive rule. Moreover, the experts illustrate that it is just a political stunt rather than a no-hit plan that provides an effective and efficient security system as developed security culture has. The plan is lacking the major characters that are supposed to be deal with the post-conflict situation and even during the ongoing insurgency.

Indeed, the country is passing through the fragile situation, law and order is limited in constabulary only. The criminalities and mutiny have reached at climax, though all governmental efforts of improvement have been found zilch. Since early years, all the government used their political stunt to win the heart and mind of people that, though it is poignant that public are being more victimized and situation is worsening more and more. People do not see any tangible improvement or positive changes, except the mounting news and speeches in Medias. The drawing and design of SSP is faulty and being enforced without needy homework. The SSP suffers with eleventh hour syndrome which is most unfortunate, so how can people expect a successful implementation of SSP. Actually, the plan has clearly shown that government has not yet understands the true nature of security needs. The Government should understand that security is not only a physical presence and beefed up activities of security personnel, rather it requires true self-build physical and psychological security assurances that people should feel secured in stress-free manner by their hearts and minds.

The security plan cannot be enforced effectively and efficiently till it gets broader public support, legitimacy and peoples’ participation. Further, most important part is enough research based “implementable technical preparation”. It demands essential reform and reengineering in legal, personnel, operational, organizational, physical, functional, resources and administrative areas are also essential before to enforce such plan, however the SSP lacks all these things except the verbal stunt and well written story. There are not yet any substantial changes and essential step found in restructuring in laws, resources, and technological enhancement related to local administration, police and security, Intelligence, public service delivery and other related approach of Insurgency management, crime control, market regulation, high way management, drug abuse control, smuggling and boarder security control, kidnapping and robbery control etc.

The Chief Districts Officers led district security committees are the principal mechanism at ground level to enforce the SSP, though the CDOs are popularized like a most superior powerful local authority, without having expertise, resources and controlling power. They are similar like a hand bended “Army Fighting in War without Arm and Weapons”. Also the existing defined security professional of unified command are incapable to deliver the SSP, if they are not empowered and updated properly accordance with the need of the national and strategy of the SSP. The huge lapses in coordination among the security agencies are found a major dearth of SSP. The SSP has assigned crucial role and responsibilities of Regional Administrators and CDOs, but most of the positions are either vacant or operated by juniors that create the issues of poor coordination, order disobeying, seniority complex, inter-intra organizational conflicts, responsibility shifting, and many more problems during implementation of pre to post phase of operation and management of the SSP.

Furthermore, the SSP has no any technical foundation. It has absence of the proper involvement of security management experts. Most of security related planners and professional are untrained, generalist and suffering with traditional mentalities. The performances of such officials are really questionable. There is no any special mechanism and indicators that could figure out the capabilities of their doings. The existing introduced pathetic ruling cultural concept is like “Our People is good People” not “Good People is Our People”, whether whatever the consequences comes, it does not matter for our policy makers and politicians. Thus the pre to post operations e.g. appointment, transfer and promotion of security related officers are being on the basis of chakri-chaplusi, and bhan-sun, that how government can expects a good productivity from the SSP without hammering the vicious problem of exiting security system.

Most of the security agencies are in crisis of resources, physical facilities and technological access. However the so-called SSP didn’t address the issue in practical matter. Furthermore, the provisions of career development, morale and motivation enhancement of security personnel’s are too low. Grievances, frustration and unwanted pressures, interferences and disturbances are too high in field, but the SSP has not analyzed the issue during the preparation of its concept, which has become now a blunder and felt as limit of the SSP into paper and verbal speech. Writing honestly, people do not feel any changes and improvement in ground level. The liveliest proofs are that even the president, prime minister, senior political leaders and ministers are not being able to walk freely or to attend any public program in free and fair manner. Most of them are getting often disturbed and has to face rebellion reaction, even after the enforcement of the SSP. The plan is not being implemented in Tarai as well as in many ethnic dominated regions including Madhes, Limbuban, Tharuban etc. because it has no any public legitimacy. The program does not govern any schemes for public participation, so it will become totally failure in the ethnic and communal regions. Minor and disadvantages ethnic people have accused that the SSP enforced by elite-ethnic dominated government just because to encounter and suppress to the minor-ethnic activists who are fighting for their ethnic rights, freedoms and inclusive representations against the continuous hegemony.

The free and independent movement and operation of national highway is also a part of the target which seems bit successful because the road blockage, robbery and dacoit’s influence in public transpiration seen somehow controlled after implementation of the SSP, it is because the arm police forces are deployed throughout the highway and also making individual patrolling guard inside the each public transportation, but the way seems not sustainable since the cost of such stagey is huge which cannot be continuous affordable by our nation. In addition, the market regulation is also a major target of the plan but black marketing, irregular price hiking, and artificial shortage of public goods and services, qualities degrading activities are observed continuous and has seen no any upbeat affect of SSP. One of the weakest points is coordination among intra and inter-agencies; the SSP does not offer any specific approaches, tools and techniques that help authorities to build intra organizational coordination for synergy effort.

A study found that Nepalese security system cannot be improved without restructuring and democratizing the security mechanism in professional way. Basically, the district level security system is ineffective because they do not have even minimum access and facilities for minimum resources, technologies, trained and skilled personnel’s and strong enough approaches for horizontal and vertical coordination that requires for any well organized security management functions. Besides, public trust over the government and local security mechanism is a most essential phenomenon which can be developed through civic engagement and justifiable inclusive participation approaches. The success of any security related special plan requires at least minimum common consensus in central as well as in local level among the all stake holders, before to enforce into practice since a nominal dissatisfaction or frustration by a stake holder may cause to failure or infectivity of plan. Particularly, in the SSP case, Regional Administrator and CDO requires more justifiable role, authority and resources and controlling power over the entire related agencies accordance with the spirit of civil supremacy. The effective management and mutual cooperation of track 1 (governmental agencies), track 2(NGOs CBOs, Civil Society etc) and track 3 actors (respective people, society, ethnic groups, community people) requires to administer properly the SSP.

The government also needs to work in identifying the special justifiable indicators that can clearly distinct between the political and criminal activities. The local security systems are in saver confusion to know political activities and criminal activities. It is because most of the Nepalese political leaders define the criminal and political activities in their own way. The funny thing is if “A” group or party halt highways and burn few vehicles that means for the party or group as democratic practices but if the “B” group or party does the same thing than others including government meant it as terrorist or a part of criminal activities. So, there is clear distinction required by laws & legitimate consensus to identify that how the security forces need to deal with such activity. The dual standard needs to be end instantly.

The market regulation has become a huge headache for nation, so the government requires immediate action to constitute a powerful joint (Track-1-2 & 3 actors) supervisory mechanism in local, regional and central level that should be handled and operated by a constitutional commission, otherwise the issues of market regulation may limit in political stunt and people will have to victimize continuously. Additionally, the passiveness, silence and infectivity of central level authorities including the Cabinet, Ministry of Home Affairs, Foreign Affairs, Finance Ministry, and Ministry of Local Administration etc are also added extra burden to defeat the SSP, because they are not serious and sincere even to consider the urgent and sensitive reports and requests that comes day by day through the channel of district security committees. Therefore, the National Security Council or a constitutional committee should play a crucial role to evaluate, monitor and correct the passiveness, silences, ignorance, and ineffectiveness of the respective central agencies. The national as well as local level authorities are suffering with serious “Responsibility Shifting Syndrome”. In Nepalese scenario “Responsibility Shifting” a long-rooted amusement found continues in the central level authority who often accused to the local level and vice-versa for any wrong things and doings in security affairs. It is pity to mention that there is no culture of candid accountability bearing in entire governmental agencies and authorities of Nepal. One agency accused to other for deteriorating security situation. All concerned agencies are equally responsible but it is never accepted by any responsible authorities. Therefore, the honest and practical commitment along with well managed timely strategic action in ground level required for successful implementation of the SSP, otherwise it will be proved similar pirates version of the SSP that was also previously experienced during the past regimes.

(An independent commentary on recently introduced the Special Security Plan (SSP) of Nepal. It is written by Mr. Pushkar, who is a former DAAD fellow and studied research master in peace and conflict studies in Germany. In addition, he holds an internationally honored first class master degree in public administration. He has participated in dozens of national and international trainings, seminar, and workshops programs related to peace, security and conflict management in US, Europe and Asian countries. Mr. Pushkar often writes opinion articles, reports, conduct researches and publish commentary notes on the various contemporary issues related to peace, conflict, human rights, diplomacy, security and governance affairs of Nepal. He has been working under the Ministry of Home Affairs/Government of Nepal and well honored as a Peace, Security and Conflict Management Professional, E-mail; khpushkar@gmail.com)

Security

By, Krishna Hari Pushkar,
Security
It is a multifarious term. The meaning of security is today based on various circumstances and contexts. Conventionally, security is meant similar as safety or protection. Scholar claims, it is a situation of being protected against danger, losses or any types of attacks. Accordingly, this paper begins with the fundamental discussions of the meaning and definition of security, which includes the several aspect and understandings. Afterward, it presents the meaning of security with essential explanations under three generations with its descriptive categories. Finally, the paper comes up with a summarized picture of Nepalese security apparatus. Lastly, it concludes with some concrete answers that what is the meaning of security today. Now the meaning of security is largely shifted and modified. Experts consider, “Generally the meaning of security is a kind of a state where people or institution or authority or groups feel full secured or feel albescence of any threaten or vulnerability from somewhere or someone in his /her life, liberty, property or activity, it could be in physical, psychological, emotional, social or economical forms.”
The term security is connected with the rule of law, freedoms, rights, peace or something that secures equally. Likewise, the meaning of security includes prevention, response and pre-emptive attacks. In broader term, today security means protection and prevention from physical, psychological, emotional, financials, environmental, economical, technological, & developmental damages and loss. It also includes the needy rights and privileges issues of the individuals, organizations, nations, regions or the particular groups that are supposed to be protected and prevented from any potential danger or onslaught.
In my observation, the meaning of security today may be offered technically under three generations: (a) First Generation: the people who are fighting for survival, living under the poverty line, struggling with hand to mouth problem and remained dependent on State & its welfare privileges are kept under this generation. The people mean today, the security is the prime duties and responsibility of government, so the protection and prevention from impending threat on their lives, liberty and properties may consider as security. Generally, they believe, the police and administration, insurances and social security mechanism are only the major source and actors of such security. These people are very traditional and do not well enough aware even about their rights, systems, rules, regulations and broader scope of security. There are huge mass of such people, specially in developing and least developed countries, (b) Second Generation: the people mean, “The security is the international & constitutional arrangements, which are enforced by the rule of law, it guards for justice, and protects and prevents from possible threats and vulnerabilities.” Further, this generation expects more than the first generation. They wish to enjoy all possible fundamental and human rights without having any disruptions or hindrances accordance with the laws of respective nation and international practices. And (c) Third Generation: the people mean that security is a kind of mental feeling, happiness and physical assurances for prevention, protection, and guard against all possible threats and vulnerability concerning the physical, economical, health, social, food, technological, cultural, industrial, ecological, rights and other issues that are important to the people, organization or particular nations.
Accordingly, the security may be classified as technological, physical, political and psychological categories. The technological category includes the areas of IT, network, machines or the domains that are related to the filed of technology and scientific development. The physical category includes the areas of business and commerce, insurance, products, food, money, health, tourism, water, home, goods, infrastructures, etc. The political category includes internal and external security, public security, immigration and migration, homeland etc. Finally, the psychological security includes mental attitude and feeling or satisfaction that assures people to live and conduct activities in fear-free manner.
The meaning of security reflects into practice when it is enforced by State through various mechanisms by introducing specific acts, rules, and regulations, orders, etc. Normally, every State has particular mechanisms for security. In Nepal, we maintain and enforce security through public and private authorities. However, the number and scope of private security company is comparatively very low in Nepal.
Further, Nepal is divided into seventy five districts and it has governmental security wings throughout the all districts and its regions. There are Civil Security Authority (Home Ministry and its direct wings), Nepal Police, Nepal Arm Police Force, National Investigation Department (Intelligence) & Department of Immigration etc are mainly active powers that are working for internal security.
The Ministry of Health, Ministry of Women, Children and Social Welfare, Education Ministry, Cultural Ministry, Ministry of Local Development, Local Governments etc, are accountable for social security. Similarly, the courts are responsible for judicial security and justices. Moreover, the external security (defense) is solely assigned for Nepal Army. Respectively, the technological security is under the responsibilities of Ministry of Science and Technology and its various institutions. However, there are no direct governmental authorities in Nepal that deals with the financial and commercials securities. Though, Ministry of Finance, FNCCI, Nepal Rastra Bank, and few insurances companies are partially working on it with the help of police and general administration too.
The understanding of security is today being drastically changed even In Nepal, since Maoists joined comprehensive peace process in 2006 after decade long bloodshed Guerrilla warfare. Before, people was just talking about physical protection or seeking for survival only, though they are now asking for all types of possible security, which are discussed above. Hence, the meaning of security is based on perception, attitude, context and need. The developed world e.g. US, Europe, Australia, Japan, Canada etc. are adopting and practicing advance meaning of security, at the same time the country like Iraq, Nepal, Afghanistan, Liberia, Somalia, Rwanda, etc are not being even capable to enforce the basic meaning of security as mentioned in first generation section.
The security is a matter of high importance and interconnected issues for everyone. The globally integrated meaning and efforts for security are essential today since all human beings are equal as per norms of UN Universal Declaration of Human-Rights 1948, otherwise it is difficult to achieve sustainable peace, and to prevent and protect from the poverty, terrorism, threat, crime, attack, discrimination, abuse of rights and more.
Hence, the developed nations must help developing countries to improve and enforce the better meaning and practice of efficient and effective security system to cope with their emerging challenges. I observe there are immense gap among various people about the meaning and understanding of security. The meaning of security today is different and depends on the situation, nature of need and the level of people and their culture. However, there are some common characters in all types of meaning today that security is a legitimated legalized system or a kind of arrangement for protection, prevention, assurances, and preparedness against possible attacks, threats, damages and injury.

(Author is a Peace and Conflict Management Professional and Currently Associated with Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of Nepal)

Democracy and Terrorism

COMMENT: Democracy and terrorism —Rafia Zakaria

Pakistan in 2008 is a nation maimed; its institutions destroyed, its leaders assassinated and its people dejected and ruled by fear. To restore the nation to a whole that can enable democratic governance the cruel and unthinking enemy that has unleashed its wrath must first be tamed

The year 2007 has come to a bloody and traumatic close in Pakistan. Its last days saw the incredible cost borne by those who chose to fight for democracy even amid dark fears and chilling threats. While Benazir Bhutto may have sacrificed her life in the valiant quest for democracy, the question Pakistanis must confront in 2008 is whether our country can truly bear the burden of a democratic system of governance?

In questioning this possibility, I am not asserting that democracy is not a valuable goal or that Pakistanis are in some way ill-suited or unworthy of a government that recognises and reflects the popular will. Far from it. Democracy is undoubtedly a venerable system of governance which could well flourish in Pakistan, if it is not routinely overturned by the military. My concern is based on the circumstantial challenges faced by Pakistan today. Consider.

In the year 2007, nearly a thousand Pakistanis died in suicide bombings. Several hundreds more were injured. Scores of shops were burned by religious extremists and young women and girls leaving their homes were increasingly subjected to acts of religious vigilantism.

In July of this year, two itinerant religious leaders held hundreds of students and a traumatised nation hostage to their particular breed of religious obscurantism while military forces laid siege to their mosque complex in the country’s capital. As I write this, military forces continue their operations in the Waziristan agency of the North West Frontier Province and the Taliban have given them two days to leave their territory. As any Pakistani knows, terror justified in the name of religion has imposed a deep and exacting cost on Pakistanis regardless of their ethnicity or economic status. .

In his book “How Democracies Lose Small Wars?” Gil Merom unravels the logic of democratic governance during wartime. Merom’s thesis is a simple one: strong democracies, where power is divided into sub-branches of government and governance is carried out through consensus and compromise, are often unable to make quick decisions required to win small wars. In other words, the basics of democratic governance such as debate over legislation, the requirement of several branches of government to supervise military spending as well as other safeguards built into the system to prevent unilateral decisions all become obstacles when it comes to quick and effective decision-making during wartime.

Merom’s intent is avowedly not to advocate recourse to military dictatorship in times of war, but rather to emphasise the weaknesses of a democratic system of governance when it is required to achieve limited objectives such as victory against terrorist groups.

Appraising the realities of Pakistan, and the grim conclusions of Merom’s thesis with regard to the capacities of democracy places a unique burden on Pakistanis fighting for democracy.

First, it forces us to consider whether democracy in its quest for consensus can truly be sustained in an environment devoid not simply of institutions that would nurture it, but also beset with an enemy which cannot be defeated roundly during the quest for democratic consensus.

Second, democratic politics with its attendant contestation, opposition and unavoidable chaos cannot be carried out in an environment where participating in any form of public political activity amounts to risking one’s life.

Finally, when the life of one of the most prominent political leaders in the country is unceremoniously extinguished in a blatant act of violence by an unabashed perpetrator, little hope exists for a meaningful expansion of political space that would truly result in representatives of the people being afforded the chance of governing the country.

Given this set of circumstances, and without falling prey to the normative prescriptions such as an independent judiciary, a venerated Constitution etc that we all agree “should” exist but are not in reality found in Pakistan, the time has come to reconsider the ubiquitous quest for democracy as the perfect solution to all our problems. Such an assessment, while it should not in turn justify dictatorship or provide a case for the imposition of martial law, would allow for the achievement of several other immediate goals.

First, it would allow a necessary and smooth transition of power from the current beleaguered executive to a national consensus government that while not democratically elected could achieve the crucial task of developing a strategy that could secure the environment of the country. This suggestion, also proffered in the latest report issued by the International Crisis Group on the current situation in Pakistan would prevent further deterioration of the political situation in Pakistan and allow resources and energies to be focused on dealing with the security threats emerging from military operations being carried out in NWFP and the tribal areas.

Second, it would permit the development of political space in Pakistan such that when elections are held following a stabilisation of the situation, the consequent contenders are not handpicked or “permitted” by executive order but rather truly representative of the population.

Finally, it would deflect national attention from its singular focus on elections and the pro-democracy movement to acknowledging and taking seriously the threat posed to the Pakistani federation by terrorism.

Pakistan in 2008 is a nation maimed; its institutions destroyed, its leaders assassinated and its people dejected and ruled by fear. To restore the nation to a whole that can enable democratic governance the cruel and unthinking enemy that has unleashed its wrath must first be tamed.

The quest for democracy thus must not be a blind and unthinking mantra that does not recognise the imperatives posed by the threat of terror or the necessity of defeating an enemy that has wreaked such havoc on our nation.

Rafia Zakaria is an attorney living in the United States where she teaches courses on Constitutional Law and Political Philosophy. She can be contacted at rafia.zakaria@gmail.com

Source

Nepal: The long march to democracy?

Nepal: The long march to democracy?

Nepal's Constituent Assembly elections were postponed for the second time on 22 November. This follows the withdrawal of the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-M) from the government and has exposed the cracks in the arduous road to democracy in Nepal. The absence of governance carries implications for regional security, as shown in the concerns expressed by the US and India. From RSIS.

By Sujoyini Mandal for RSIS (20/12/07)

For the past few decades, Nepal has witnessed the tussle for political power between an autocratic monarchy, the Nepali Congress and its coalition parties, and a violent insurgent Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-M).

For almost 10 years, the Nepali Maoists have been trying to establish a communist republic. In a decade long civil war between the Maoists and other government forces, close to 13,000 people have been killed. The situation has brought further poverty and hardship to a country that is one of the poorest in Asia.

In April 2006, a peace process was finally begun, culminating in the 8 November 2006 Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) and the CPN-M. The management of rebel arms was solved when the Maoists agreed to lock up the weapons under United Nations supervision, and place their 35,000 fighters in temporary camps. However, the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections have been postponed twice already, demonstrating the lack of real political will by the SPA-CPN-M alliance.

The maneuvers of the Maoists

The rise to prominence of the CPN-M started with the "people's war" in 1996. At that time, the agenda was to control the countryside through guerilla warfare and ultimately surround and capture the capital Katmandu. However, three strategic weaknesses led to a revision of their means. These were the realization that no outright military victory against an internationally-backed Royal Nepalese Army was possible; the general shortcomings of communist models; and a hostile international environment.

Thus, in 2004, the Maoists attempted to establish a dialogue with the mainstream political parties. This received a boost with the royal coup in February 2005 as King Gyanendra dismissed the democratic government. Together, the Maoists and the SPA revolted against the king and in a series of street protests, succeeded in seizing power from the autocratic monarch.
Thus 10 years after they started their struggle, the Maoists have accepted multi-party democracy. However, on 18 September 2007, they withdrew from the government plunging the country yet again into political chaos in the absence of a united political front.

Why the pullout?

The decision of the CPN-M to quit the government chiefly stems from their relative lack of success in joining mainstream politics in Nepal. While, on one hand, it was a pragmatic decision, at the same time the Maoists have been criticized for ignoring the demands of the marginalized communities like the ethnic groups, Dalits and the landless people - the very groups that they are supposed to represent. The result has been the decrease of its support base. At the same time, much criticism has been directed to the Young Communist League, considered to be the youth militant wing of the CPN-M which has been engaged in violent activities in the Terai region.

Although distant from politics in Katmandu, Nepal's capital, activities of the Madhesis in the Terai region in southern Nepal are, nevertheless, increasingly getting worrisome for the government. In the past few weeks, a considerable number of civil servants have quit their jobs in the face of increasing extortion and kidnapping threats.

In the past six months, 82 people have been killed and 75 abducted by different groups operating in the central and eastern Terai region. The most prominent groups representing the Madhesis are the Madhesi Janaadhikar Forum (MJF) and the Janatantrik Terai Mukti Morcha (JTMM) whose demands include political representation and the mitigation of economic and linguistic discrimination.

What does it mean for regional security?

Located between the two rising, and potentially competitive powers, India and China, Nepal occupies a strategic position in South Asia. Nepal is important to India, strategically, economically and historically. During the British colonial period and even now, Nepal was one of the neighboring countries that formed the "inner ring of India's defense" against hostile external powers.

Also, from the point of view of internal security, about ten million Nepalis live and work in India, while about 80,000 Nepali soldiers are employed in the Indian armed forces. Any major unrest in Nepal would thus have a natural spillover effect into India.

More importantly, the political developments in Nepal have a direct bearing to two of India's most severe domestic security problems. The first are the Indian Maoists, particularly in the states of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Bihar and Andhra Pradesh who aim to establish a "red corridor" from Nepal in the north to Trivandram in the south.

Although the Communist Party of India (Maoist) or CPI-M remains allies of the Nepal Maoists, their relationship has both waxed and waned in recent times. The practical support given to Nepali Maoists by their Indian counterparts has been limited and the departure of the CPN-M from their original strategy of armed struggle has been criticized at times by the Indian Maoist leader Ganapathy. Nevertheless, in light of the active Maoist violence in India at present, any "back to the armed struggle" scenario by the CPN-M would cause security concerns within India.

The second is the link between the Nepali Maoists and the insurgent groups operating in northeast India. On 24 March 2004, a senior Nepalese Maoist leader, Vaidya, was arrested in West Bengal. Subsequent interrogation of Vaidya revealed the connection between the Nepali Maoists and groups like the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) and the KLO (Kamtapur Liberation Organisation). Taking advantage of the porous border between India and Nepal that provides a safe communication route, these groups were involved in sharing training, finances and arms supply.

The road ahead?

At present each political entity in Nepal - the SPA, the CPN-M and the Terai groups - are watchful of each other's moves and trying to play out the stalemate to the best of their advantage. The two main issues of concern are the abolition of the monarchy and implementation of the proportional system of representation.

It seems as if all the groups are hedging and playing out alliances. For instance, while the SPA and the CPN-M continue to try and come to a compromise, the Maoists are in talks with the Communist Party of Nepal (united Marxist Leninist) in order to pressurize the SPA led by GP Koirala.

However, as long as the Constituent Assembly elections are postponed, violence and unrest will continue to thrive in the absence of a strong central authority. Although it is unlikely that the Maoists will take up arms once again, the security situation will continue to worsen until political compromises that best suit all parties can come into play.

Sujoyini Mandal is a Research Analyst with the International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR), S.Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University.

Source:ISN

Nepal Police

This collection of essays was written exclusively by Nepali experts and reflects their personal opinions on policing, community safety and justice provision in Nepal. While Saferworld has been actively involved in supporting, editing and translating this publication, it has not sought to change or influence the arguments contained within the text. It should be noted that the views expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the position of Saferworld.

Click to Open or download this report

State Terrorism

By Krishna Hari Pushkar
Berlin, Germany

Currently Nepal has been suffering with pathetic transitional crisis and ethno-regional insurgency. In the meantime, we got threshed by bonus terrorism in Nepal, named as administrative terrorism. This time principal actors are our cabinet and public service commission who are going ahead to add new style of terrorism in Nepal. Therefore, we Nepalese people have to involve ourselves directly in the counter attack to get rid of such administrative terrorism otherwise Nepalese administrative software mechanism /bureaucracy will collapse functionally and structurally very soon.

Pitch Contour of Administrative Terrorism:

By Nepal Government:

Recently Nepal Government haphazardly started to populate 2 secretaries each in six ministries without having any vision, job analysis, need assessment, research and analysis. The most remarkable is, this outdated approach was already adopted decades before but doomed to failure. Though, our cabinet overlooked all these fact and decided to go forward as per their personal interest without caring professional and administrative rationale customs. Actually, these postings were made to fulfil the interests of their political puppets that are philosophically considered as major footstep of administrative terrorism.

Especially Civil Servants are being ignored and mistreated by security mechanism and guardian apparatus of state; they do not offer any kind of significant special opportunity for professionalism, security measure or welfare facilities to protect the career, life, liberty and freedom of civil servants. Thus the major spheres of civil services are terrorized by custodian state’s mechanism.

By Public Service Commission:

The recently published vacancy by Public Service Commission of Nepal is an expression of support toward dead royal law and oppose of democratic changes. I would say in direct language it is a colossal disobeys of the existing constitutional provision and state/parliamentary commitments concerning the recruitment inclusion policy of Civil service.

Public Service commission challenge the verdict of “Rule of Law”. They advertised vacancy as per royal civil service act/regulation and completely ignored the newly passed civil service act. Most remarkable point is our civil service act is recently passed by parliament and regulation is still under process.

Existing and potential civil servants are under serious confusion, whether they should follow the dead royal laws or newly passed Civil Service Laws.

Questions to the concerned legal and administrative experts:

-Is there any method or legal treatment to revoke the advertised illegal vacancies that is opened under the clauses of dead royal civil service act and regulation?

-The advertised vacancies are also against the sprit of Inclusion commitments and agreements that were made by state with various women, political, ethno & regional groups and parties.

-Or should we need to go for another administrative revolution on road and street like other terrorist groups?

-Are there any possibilities to file a case in public service commission board or Supreme Court through our embassies or diplomatic missions?