Issues of Marginalized Community in Peace Management

Issues of Marginalized Community in Peace Management

zflGt Joj:yfkgdf ;LdfGtLs[t ju{sf d'2fx?

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Gf]kfn clxn] ¢Gbsf] bf]x/f] ljifd kl/l:ytLaf6 u'lh|/x]sf] 5 . g]kfn ;/sf/ / g]=s=kf= dfcf]jfbLlarsf] j[xQ zflGt ;Demf}tf, @)^# kl5 Psflt/ ¢GbkZrftsf] ;Da]bgzLn cj:yf 5 eg] csf]{lt/ b]zsf sltko e"–efux?df bh{gf} ;z:qwf/L ;d'xx? e'ldut?kdf /fHo lj?4 ;z:q o'¢ nl8/x]sf] eofjx l:ylt 5 . o; zflGt / ¢Gbljrsf] ;+s|d0fsfnLg kl/j]zdf b]zdf zflGt Joj:yfkg / /fHo k"g;{+/rgfsf] ckl/xfo{ cfofdsf?kdf ;LdfGtLs[t ju{, ;d"bfosf d'2fx?sf] ;Gt'lnt ;Daf]wg cToGt dxTjk"0f{ / r'gf}tLk"0f{ klg 5g\ . x'gtf ;LdfGtLs[t ;d"bfosf d'2fx? k|efjsf/L?kdf /fli6«o k|fyldstfdf kg'{sf] k|d'v sf/0fsf] k5fl8 dfcf]jfbL sf] ;z:q hgo'¢, dw]z cfGbf]ng OTofbL g}] x'g\ . ljutsf zf;gsfndf klg oL d'2fx? gp7]sf jf k|of; g} gePsf eg] kSs} xf]Ogg\ tyflk a[xQ zflGt ;Demf}tf kZrft o;sf] ;Dj]bgzLntf / k|fyldstfn] ljz]if cfsf/, k|sf/, :j?k, dfGotf kfO{ dxTjk"0f{ /fli6«o Ph]G8fsf] ?kdf :yflkt ePsf] 5 .

Gf]kfndf ;LdfGts[t sf] x'g eg]/ ;f]Wbf, o;sf] 7f]; / :ki6?kdf slx st} sfg'gL / j}w pQ/ kfOb}g . tyflk ;LdfGts[t eGgfn] To:tf] ;d'xnfO{ a'lemG5 h'g /fHosf] d"nk|jfxaf6 lgs} k/ x'G5 . To:tf ;d"xx? jlGrlts/0fdf k/]sf jf kfl/Psf x'G5g / cg]sf} ;fdflhs, cfly{s, ;f:s[lts ;d:ofx?n] lkl8t / zf]lift x'G5g\ . oL ;d'xx? Gofof]lrt?kdf klxrfg, kx'Fr, k|ltlglwTj, :jfldTj, ;xeflutf / ;j{flË0f ljsf;sf cj;/x?af6 jflGrtLdf k/]sf jf kfl/Psf x'G5g . o:tf ;d"xx?sf] kl/efiff / ;'r+sfÍ ;fk]lIft x'g] tyf lglZrt ;do / cj:yfdf cf–cfkm\gf /fi6«sf] cj:yfg';f/ kl/jt{gd'vL x'G5g\ . g]kfnsf] kl/k|]Ifdf ;LdfGts[t ju{df vf; u/]/ clt ul/j, ;'s'Djf;L, cNk;+Vos ;d'bfox?, lkl5l8Psf ju{, dlxnf, ckfË, blntx?, nf]kf]Gd'v ljleGg cflbjf;L hghftLx? / oL leqsf klg sdhf]/ ju{ / cfly{s ;fdflhs ?kn] k5fl8 k/]sf, cfwf/e't cfjZostf klg k'/f x'g g;Sg] cj:yfsf] hLjgofkg ug{ afWo ju{x? kb{5g\ . ;LdfGts[tsf] cfw'lgs kl/efiffn] t]>f] lnËL ;d]tnfO{ hgfpb5 . ;f]emf] cy{df eGg' kbf{, /fHo / tLgsf vf; ;De|fGt JolQm jf ;d'bfox?sf] k|ToIf jf ck|ToIf /0fgLltn] ;LdfGts[t ;d"bfox?sf] cfly{s, ;fdflhs, /fhg}lts, k|zf;gLs nufotsf clwsf/x? s'lG7t ul/Psf] x'G5 . logLx?sf] dfgj clwsf/, df}lns clwsf/x? cGt/f{li6«o tyf /fli6«o sfg'gx?af6 ;'lglZrt ul/Psf] h:tf] b]lvG5 t/ Aojxf/tM sfof{Gjogdf cfPsf x'b}gg kmn:j?k ;LdfGts[t ;w} ;LdfGts[t x'ghfG5 .

ljZjsf] cg'ejn] s] b]vfPsf] 5 eg], ;LdfGtLs[tx?sf] d'2fx? ;:tf] nf]slk|otf sdfpgsf nflu pkof]uL x'g] / oL d'2fx? cufl8 ;f/]/ ;z:q ¢Gb jf /fhg}lts cfGbf]ng jf s|flGt ug{ ;xh x'g] b]lvG5 . o;df ;LdfGtLs[t ju{ ;lhn} pTk|]l/t x'G5g / ck|Tofl;t ?kdf o'¢ jf cfGbf]ngdf ;lhn} xf]ldG5g . ctM oL ju{nfO{ nf]e nfnrdf e'nfP/ / nnfO{kmsfO{ ljb|f]xL kIfx?n] cToflws pkof]u ug]{ / o'4 jf cfGbf]ngsf] km|G6nfO{gdf /fVg] ub{5g . kmn:j?k /fHokIf / ljb|f]xLkIf b'j}af6 ;d]t ;f+3flts?kdf a9L lkl8t x'g] / s]lx ;Lldt -/fhg}lts_ ju{sf] pkef]usf] ju{ x'ghfG5, ;LdfGts[t ;d'bfox? . h;n] ubf{ logLx?sf] cj:yfdf kl/jt{g / pTyfg ug{ emg} sl7g x'g hfG5 .

w}/} h;f] ¢Gb cg';Gwfgstf{x?sf] Ps dt s]df kfOG5 eg], dfcf]jfbL hgo'¢ xg'sf k|d'v sf/0fx? / o;df hg;dy{g x'g'df ;LdfGts[t ;d'bfox?sf d'2fx?n] k|d"vtf kfpg' g} xf] . h:t}M ax'jlGrlts/0f, 5'jf5't, ;fdflhs plTk8g, zf]if0f / ;fdGtL ;+:sf/sf] ;+:s[lt, hftLo cf}klgif]zjfbsf] ;+/rgfut hl6ntf, ul/jLsf] b'irqm / s'zf;gsf] a9\bf] k|efj h:tf d'2fx?sf] ;Daf]wg ug{ /fHosf] cu|ufdL k"g;+{/rgf ug]{ hgo'¢sf gf/fx? lyP . cyf{t hgo''4sf] sf/s cfwf/ x]bf{ o;n] /fhg}lts jf k|zf;lgseGbf ;fdflhstkm{sf] If]q a9L ;d]6]sf] b]lvG5 . hgo'¢sfndf a]/f]huf/nfO{ hflu/ lbg], ;'s'Djf;LnfO{ hUuf lbg], sfo{stf{nfO{ g]tf, eQf / dGqL agfpg], ul/jnfO{ ;xh} wgL agfpg] h:tf hl6n ;kgfx? ;:tf]?kdf /0fg}lts tj/n] ckgfOPsf] o;sf yk k|df0fx? x'g\ . lautsf hgo'4 xf]; jf dw]z cfGbf]ngsf cfFwLj]x/L xf];, lnDa'jfg, v'Da'jfg, yf?jfg cfGbf]ngsf dfu xf]; ;a}df ;LdfGtLs[t s} d'2fx? cufl8 ;f/]sf] b]lvG5 . kmn:j?k /fHon] ca :jLsf/ ul/;s]sf] 5 ls, ;LdfGts[tsf d'2fx? s] x'g / o;nfO{ s;/L ;Daf]wg ug{] . /fHon] xfn} ;'? u/]sf] k|of; x}bf{ ;j}eGbf a9L >f]t, zlQm / ;+/rgfx? ;LdfGs[tsf d'2fx? ;Daf]wg tkm{ pGd'v ePsf] b]lvG5 . ;j} kIfx?n] s] a'emL;s]sf 5g eg] ;LdfGts[t ju{nfO{ cem a9L pk]Iff slxst} af6 eof] eg] ljBdfg rln/x]sf] zflGt k|lqmof e+u x'g] vt/f dfq xf]Og /fHo k"g;+{/rgfsf] clei6 aiff}{aif{ k5fl8 ws]lng ;S5 . /fHosf] zf;lso Joj:yf d'7e]8 pGd'v xg;S5 / /fHo k'gM ;z:q 4Gbsf] sfnf] o'udf df]l8g]] afWofTds cj:yf ;[hgf x'g;S5 . cTfM ca x'g nfu]sf] /fHo k"g;{+/rgfsf] ;DjGwdf oL ;LdfGts[t au{x?sf] ;d:of ;Djf]wg ug'{ l;Ëf] g]kfn /fi6«sf ;fd' 7"nf] cj;/, r'gf}tL / xfFssf] ?kdf plePsf] 5 .

ljZjsf] cg'ej x]g{] xf] eGf], zflGTf Joj:yfkg / /fHo k'g;{+/rgfsf] ;Gbe{df ;LdfGtLs[t ;d"bfox?sf] d'2fx?sf] ;Daf]wg ug]{ k|d"v txM b'O{j6f l;¢fGtdf cfwfl/t ljlwx? 5g\ . k|yd, ;dfj]zLs/0f / bf]>f] ax'njfbsf cjwf/0ff a[xt?kdf ;LdfGtLs[tsf kIfw/ dflgG5g\ . ;dfj]zLs/0fn] ;LdfGtLs[t jf jlGrtLs/0fdf kg'{kg{] kl/l:yltsf] cGtsf] kl/sNkgf ub{5 eg], ax'nafbn] ljljwtfnfO{ Pstfsf] ;'qdf ufF;L ;fdflhs, ;f:s[lts ;b\efjsf] alnof] hu agfpb} /fli6«o Pstf / /fi6« lgdf{0fdf 7"nf] 6]jf k'¥ofpFb5 h'g cd]l/sf, SofGff8f / o'/f]ksf d'n'sx?sf cg'ejn] k|dfl0ft ul/;s]sf] 5 .

g]kfndf klg ;dfj]zLs/0fsf ljleGg pkfox? cjnDag ug{ yflnPsf] 5 h'g lglZrt ?kdf s]lx xb;Dd ;/fxgLo 5 . g]kfndf klg cGo d'n'sx? h:tf] ;+j}wflgs Joj:yf -df}lns xssf] dxn_, lgjf{rg k|0ffnL -;dfg'kflts_, k|zf;lgs lg0f{ox? -/fhg}lts lgo'lQm tyf dgf]gog_, /fhg}lts ;+/rgfdf ljljwtf / If]lqo k|ltlglwTjsf] ;+:s[lt pGd'v, ;dfa]zL tyf n}+lusd}qL lasf; Joj:yfkg, sfg"g¢f/f g} ;sf/fTds lje]b, cf/If0f, sf]6f h:tf Joj:yfsf] k|of;x? ;/fxlgo 5 . o;sf cltl/Qm ;fdflhs Gofo / ;fdflhs ;'/Iffsf] nflu klg ah]6 / laleGg sfo{qmdx? Dffkm{t ul/Psf k|of;sf] yfngL klg ;sf/fTds dfGg ;lsG5 . o;sf tTsfn k|efj x]g]{ xf] eg] ljBdfg ;+;b / ;+ljwfg;efsf] ;dfa];L rl/q / ;+/rgf, ax'n k|ltlglwTjdf cfwfl/t dlGqkl/ifb\sf] u7g, ;Da}wflgs c+ux?df yf]/} ;+Vof ePklg ;Gt'lnt k|ltlglwTj, ;/sf/L ;]jfx?df ;LdfGtLs[t au{sf] a9bf] k|ltlglwTj pGd'v h:tf pknAwLx? ;LdfGtLs[t ju{sf lxtdf ePsf pNn]vlgo k|of;x? x'g\ . t/ xfn /fHon] canDjg u/]sf] ;dfa]zLs/0fsf] k|s[ofut / sfo{ut k2lt kl/j]z ;'xfpbf] / a}1flgs ;+:s[ltdf cfwfl/t b]lvb}g . ctM o;nfO{ a[xt cWoog / pko'Qm Joj:yfkg u/L tTsfn ;'wf/ ug'{kg]{ vfrf] 5 . ;f] gul/Pdf xr'jfdf cfwfl/t o; ;+qmd0fsflng ;dfa]zLs/0fsf] gLltnfO{ lg/Gt/tf lbO{of] eg] eljiodf o;n] yk hl6ntf / ;d:of Nofpg ;S5 . ctM ;dodf g} cfaZos ;ts{tf ckgfO{ cfaZos ;'wf/sf k|of; yflng' h?/L 5 .

;a}eGbf dxTjk"0f{ laifo s] 5 eg], g]kfndf cd"s hft, lnË, ju{, If]qsf / ;d'bfosf JolQmnfO{ xf]n]l:6s?kdf ;LdfGtLs[t egL tf]lsPsf] 5 t/ o;sf cfwf/x? :ki6 5}gg\ . pbfx/0fsf]nflu z]kf{, ysfnL eGgf;fy ;a} z]kf{, ysfnL ;LdfGtLs[t egL a'lemg] clxn]sf] kl/efiff 5 . h;nfO{ ;dfhzf:q, cy{zf:q jf /fhgLltzf:qsf] s'g}klg cjwf/0ffn] jf l;¢fGtn] ;xL k'li6 ub}g . ctM xr'jf jf le8tGqsf] bjfjdf l;ldt /fhgLlts jf ;fdflhs :jfy{ k"lt{ ug{ ;:tf] nf]slk|otfdf cfwfl/t eP/ ag]sf] kl/efiffsf] ?kfGt/0f tYok/s / a}1flgs?kdf dfGotf k|fKt j}w cfly{s ;fdflhs ;'rsfÍsf] ljsf; u/L x'g'kb{5 . of] yfxf ePs} s'/f xf] ls, hftkft, 5jf5't k|0ffnL nf]stGq, ljsf; / dfgj clwsf/sf k|d"v afws x'g\ . cem k"gM o;}nfO{ g} km]l/ cu|ufdL kl/at{g, ;dfa]zL / ;Gt'lnt ljsf;sf] cfwf/ dfg]/ u}/;LdfGtLs[t jf a+lrlts/0f df kb}{gkg]{ ;d"xnfO{ o;df /fv]/ cufl8 a9\g' eg]sf] ;flRrs} ;LdfGts[t ju{sf] la?¢ cGofo ug'{ xf] . s]lx ckafb afx]s clxn] xfdLn] ;LdfGts[tsf] a|fG8 lbPsf] w]/} ;d"bfox?df pRr ;fdflhs cfly{s hLjgofkg ug]{ JolQmx? 5g\ t/ klg Tolx hft, ju{ jf lnË leq kg]{ ePs} sf/0fn] dfq ;LdfGts[t sbflk dfGg ;lsb}g .

;LdfGts[tx?nfO{ ;dfa]zLs/0f ubf{ k"0f{txM a}1flgs k2lt cjnDjg x'g'kb{5 / o;sf] ;Defljt nlIft ju{x?sf] tYofÍ ;+sng tyf Joj:yfkg Ps pRr:tl/o /fli6«o:t/sf] cfof]u dfkm{t k|To]s ;Defljt nlIft JolQmx?sf] k|f]kmfOlnª ljZn]if0f u/L lglZrt cjlwsf] nflu ;LdfGts[t k|df0fkq lbg] Joj:yf ul/g'kb{5 . ;LdfGts[t ju{sf] Joj:yfkg / d"nk|jflxs/0fsf] ;a} Joj:yfklso sfo{sf] lhDdf Tolx cfof]u dfkm{t ul/g' kb{5 . cGoyf ;LdfGts[tsf] gfddf ;w} Tolx 6f7faf7f / k/Dk/fut?kdf klg ;LdfGts[tleq s} ;e|fGt ju{n] kmfO{bf lng] / zf]lift lkl8t ;w} oyfl:yltdf /lx/xg] cj:yfn] lg/Gt/tf kfpg;S5 .

¢Gb jf c/fhstf km}nfpg s'g} 7"nf] hdft jf ;d"x rflxb}g . ctM olb ;flRrs} ;LdfGts[t ju{x?sf] klxrfg u/L pTyfg ug]{ xf] eg] dfq ljBdfg zflGt k|s[ofsf] Joj:yfkg ;xh x'g;S5 . cGoyf ;LdfGts[t ju{sf] ;Djf]wg k|efjsf/L?kdf ePg eg] /fHo k"g;{+/rgf kZrft kl5 klg /fHo k"gM lbw{sflng ¢Gbsf] b'irqmdf km:g;S5 . ;LdfGts[tsf] gfddf vf]qmf] /fhgLlt ul/of] / ;:tf] nf]slk|otf afl8of] eg] clxn]nfO{ dfq xf]O{g eljiosf] ;GttLnfO{ ;d]t 7"nf] ;+s6 lgDTofpg ;S5 . ctM ;DjlGwt ;a} lgsfox? clt ;Dj]bgzLn / ;+oldt eO{ ;LdfGts[tsf d'2fx? ;Djf]wgdf Psh'6 eO{ nfUg OdfGbf/L ;lxtsf] k|lta¢ x'g'kb{5 .

;a} hft, wd{ ;+:s[ltnfO{ /fli6«o dfGotf / :yfg lbg', Ps efiff Ps e]ifsf] /fli6«o klxrfgsf] ;+:s[ltnfO{ tf]8\b} ax' efiff, e]ife'iff ;+:s[tLdf ?kfGt/0f ug]{, PsfTdsaf6 ;+3fTds zf;lso k2ltsf] :jLsf/f]lQm, wd{lg/k]Iftf O{Toflb tkm{ kfO{nf ;fg]{ /fHosf] xfn}sf k|of;nfO{ ljljwtfnfO{ ax'nafbtkm{ pGd'v u/fpg] 7"nf] km8\sf] xf] eGg ;lsG5 . /fhgLlts lgo'lQm, dgf]gog / lgjf{rg k2ltdf ckgfO{Psf] ;dfg'kflts k|ltlglwTjsf] k|0ffnLsf] ;'?jftnfO{ ax'njfb tkm{sf] yk pGd'vtfsf] cem ;/fxlgo k|of; dfGg ;lsG5 . clxn]sf oL k|of;x? lglZrt?kdf k"0f{ / k|of{Kt geP tfklg lawdfg ;+sd0fsflng ca:yfdf olt;Ddsf] pknlAwnfO{ sf]z]9'Ëf dfGg ;lsG5 .

g]kfn lawdfg /fHo k"gM;+/rgfsf] kl/k|]Iodf lbuf] zflGt Joj:yfkgsf] ;+sd0fsflng sl7g df]8af6 u'h|L/x]sf]n] cl;ldt r'gf}tLx? 5g\ . g]kfnsf] ;+ljwfg tyf zf;lso ;+rfngsf] cfwf/ cfk;L /fhg}lts ;xdlt x'g'sf] ;§f ;Qfdf]xsf] v]n, zflGt ;Demf}tfsf] sfof{Gjogdf lgis[otf, Joj:yflksf ;+;b / ;+ljwfg;efsf] lg/f;fhgs sfo{;Dkfbg:t/, ;+ljwfg lgdf{0f k|s[ofdf cj/f]w / l9nfO{, a9\bf] /fhg}lts pb08tf, /fhg}lts lvrftfgL, ;Qfd'vL c:j:y k|lt:kwf{, u7aGwg ;/sf/sf] cfk;L dgf]dflnGotf, k/Dk/fut ;fdflhs ;+:s[lt / lxGb' dg':d[ltdf cfwfl/t hLjgz}nL, cjflG5t cGt/f{li6«o x:tIf]k, bftfd'vL of]hgf, lau|bf] zflGt ;'/Iff, ck/flws/0fsf] ;+:s[lt, le8tGq, /fhgLlt / k|zf;gsf] c;fd~h:otf cflb k|d"v r'gf}tLx? 5g\ . oBlk oL sl7gfO{x?nfO{ Joj:yfkg ug{ /fHosf ;a} zlQmx? Psh'6 eO{ cf–cfkm\gf] :t/af6 nfUg] xf] eg] dfq lglZrt?kdf Joj:yfkg ug{ ;lsG5 . ;LdfGts[t jf a+lrlts/0fdf k/]sf ;d"bfox?sf] d'2f ;Daf]wg ug]{ sfo{ nfdf] k|s[ofaf6 u'lh|g'k5{ . ctM ;/sf/, k|zf;g, /fhlglt1, cfdhgtf / ;DalGwt ;a} ;d"bfox? Psh'6 eP/ OdfGbfl/tfsf ;fy ;d:of tyf r'gf}tLx?nfO{ k|fylds/0f u/L k"0f{ k|lta¢tfsf ;fy nfUg] xf] eg] tL r'gf}tLx?sf] ;fdgf ug{ ;xh x'g] b]lvG5 . pk/f]Qm r'gf}tLx?nfO{ lgjf/0f ug{ /fHon] tyf ;Da¢ kIfn] ;j{k|yd zflGt k|s[ofnfO{ OdfGbfl/tfk"j{s cy{k"0f{ lgisif{ k'¥ofpg], ;+ljwfg ;ef / Joj:yflksf ;+;b lgoldt?kdf ;'rf? /fVg], ;8sdf c/fhs la/f]w dfkm{t p7fPsf d'2fx? ;+;bdf g} aftf{¢f/f 6'Ëofpg], laBdfg ;/sf/sf] 7"nf]bn g]=s=kf= dfcf]jfbL ;d]tnfO{ ;/sf/df NofO{ Psh'6 eP/ ;+sd0fsflng zf;lso cj:yfsf] Go"lgs/0f ub}{, /fHosf k|fyldstf k|fKt d'2fx?df qmda¢ tl/sfn] cufl8 a9\g'kg]{ clxn]sf] ckl/xfo{tf b]lvG5 .

zflGt Joj:yfkg / ;LdfGts[tsf d'2fx? ;Djf]wg laBdfg /fHok"g;{+/rgfsf ;Gbe{df Pscsf{sf] k"/s / cGt/;DalGwt b]lvPsf]n] lbuf] zflGtsf] :yfkgf / ;LdfGts[t ju{nfO{ ;bfsf nflu ;LdfGts[t jf a+lrltdf x'gaf6 hf]ufpg ;dfa]zLs/0f / ax'nafbsf cjwf/0ffx? canDjg ub}{ hfg' ckl/xfo{ 5 . o;/L /fi6«sf] ;Gt'lnt / ;dfa]zL ljsf;sf] ;f]r k|efjsf/L?kdf nfu" ug{ ;lsof] eg] b]zdf ljBdfg w]/} ;d:of tyf r'gf}tLx?sf] Go"lgs/0f eO{ cu|ufdL ;sf/fTds ;f]raf6 clek|]l/t /fHo k"g;{+/rgfsf] /fli6«o nIo / cleofg k|fKtL tyf lbuf] zflGt Jojyfkgdf d2t k'Ug]5 .

-n]vs zflGt tyf ¢Gb Joj:yfkg laz]if1 x'g'sf ;fy} g]kfn ;/sf/sf pk;lrj kbdf sfo{/t x'g'x'G5 . khpushkar@gmail.com)

Nepal: Polity for Peace

The article deals with the political dilemmas of ongoing peace and constitution building process of Nepal and it provides possible ways out of the topsy-turvydom. It highlights the contemporary affairs of Nepalese political culture. Specially, it prescribes the proficient ways to end all types of political impunity, undemocratic practices, and finally discuss the ways to bring out the off-track politics into peoples’ platform. The article also includes the potential roles and contributions of multifarious stakeholders that may help to conduct the Nepalese democratic polity and behavior towards to achieve sustainable peace, prosperity and national interest.

Nepal is peaceloving country but it does not mean the national polities support the dispositions of its nation and citizen. People want to see its land from the out of transition but politicians want to keep the land into long process of alteration. People mandates are to achieve sustainable peace and successful management of comprehensive peace accord-2006, but politicians want to achieve sustainable power and regime in government. People gave mandates its’ constitutional assembly’s representative to involve in peace and constitution building process, and to play productive role in effective restructuring of the nation but they are either not interested or disqualifies to perform its assigned parliamentary responsibilities and tasks. Beyond the rule, they keep parliament totally inoperative since long time, ignoring the people’s sovereignty and national interest. It has been strange that Nepalese polity is just roaming around the attraction of cabinet but not tramping to honest enforcement of peace process. Forlornly, there is unfortunate misguiding understanding among the parties that they defines its leaders’ supremacy as people’s supremacy, which has not yet even tested anywhere by any constitutional, political or administrative tools.

Now, the prime tasks of politicians are supposed to solely involve in management of the peace process and constitution building, but other than they have priorities their tasks in different ways to gain either individual or gang benefits. Consequently, the issues related to the management of cantonment based Maoist’s combatants, federalism, inclusions, and broader governance affairs are into limbo. Specially, the overall constitution building process is also being severely victimized due to the growing political impunity. Here impunity also includes the issue of unaccountable, irresponsible and deviated politics.

Sadly, Nepalese politics are not in the path of normal politics in similar to other world’s democratic polity. It needs to instant commute or redefine accordance with practical democratic doctrine. The homegrown Nepalese polity believes on impunity and unaccountability which has become core values and characters of existing Nepalese politics. Sorry to say, Nepal’s politics are becoming criminalized and everything is being accepted here in the name of parties’ supremacy. They have very wrong understanding that politicians are superior to law and even exempted from all moral and ethical values of politics. Unfortunately, they take it as a part of immunity, just because they have branded as “law maker”, whereas all Nepalese are found forced to be performed as blind, dumb and deaf to watch every wrongdoing of the so called lawmakers.

Honestly writing, they are not serious about peace process or constitution writing, so they often raise the issues that push overall peace building and national restructuring process into apparition. Every day, ruling parties as well as the opposition parties come with new issues that are neither addressed in their political manifestos nor described in inter-intra parties’ agreement or consensuses. Many of the political parties are irresponsible and tugging the nation into catastrophe.

Peoples are innocent and unable to do anything against the conventional Nepalese political culture that politicians are always superior. People have been suffering due to outlawed polity. Poor is being poorer, maimed are being more hurt, corruption is intensified, criminality is becoming hitch of daily life, murder, kidnap and physical auscultations have become routine incidents, people are dying for food, water and medicines, children are unattended and fighting for survivals, infrastructures are turning into tragedy, and impunity has become very common. It means nothing seems in order. Peoples say that it is because of transition, but it is not fully true. Transition does not mean bombardment on peace or brush aside people’s choice and national interest. Also, transition does not encourage political unaccountability and award discount from political responsibility. The degree could different but in any condition, rule of law, public and constitutional priorities should be kept always into priorities, which are mainly now successful management of peace process and constitutional building works.

Anyway, the democratic practices and personas cannot be apprehended in the name of transition for personal benefits or anarchical pursuits. Politicians should know that the democratic polity is meant a capacity of a democratic politicalsystem which need to respond to the preferences of its citizens, national interest and constitutional priority, specially to achieve sustainable peace, prosperity, development, and maintain respectable sovereignty and inter-intra dignity of the nation.

Observer fond Nepalese peace process is in comma, any time it can be collapsed or tuned into sadistic form of war. Also upcoming new constitution will be tossed in dubiety, if the polity of politics is not substantially changed accordance with the national need. Simultaneously, general public, civil society and professional organization have to change its role, if they really wish to correct the existing piteous political scenario of the nation. The conventional tools such as formal delegation, unnecessary bandh, memorandum, close-meetings, hello-interaction, rent seeking-seminar, and briefcase-workshop are found ineffective and useless in Nepalese case. The efforts have found failure to correct the existing ill-politician and corrupt-political system of rules. Therefore, new approaches of polity control need to introduce and practice in Nepalese scenario.

Firstly citizens of respective constituencies need to pressurize their respective representatives regularly and also need to ask to make written promises public about their role and preferences of work. Afterward they can force larders to present action plans compulsory along with the provision of regularly disseminating progress report among people in local level. It could also help people to judge the qualities of their representative during election. The system can be introduced in the initiative of local civic leaders, media person and nongovernmental organizations. In addition, voters need to watch and analyze the performance delivery status of their leader. It is now clear that voters’ silent syndrome has proved dangers for the national health and the people too, so it has to be break immediately. Peoples should put continuous pressure and extend warning in time to time, if they found in case deviated from the people preferences or extended commitment.

Secondly, the professional organization and civil society need to form a close circuit network in each level of political apparatus, to pressurize and warn the politician and political parties about their political commitments, peoples’ interest and national priority. They could put continuous pressure and force them to not deviate from their main agenda and priority, by providing continuous technical and advisory support. In addition, the professional organization and civic society can form a different watch groups to monitor and observe the activity of particular political parties and politicians with extraordinary responsibility.

Thirdly, the international community and diplomats could also play a crucial role to bring the ill-polity into the right democratic track. They could fund and provide all possible technical assistances, experiences and assistances to in the areas of voter empowerment and also to the particular party and politicians, if they required assistances to perform in particular issues or areas. Most of the Nepalese parties and its politicians are unaccountable; they do not have integrity, honesty, and commitment in their speeches and acts. So, they need many more direct-indirect expertise trainings, coaching, and counseling, tips while performing their role or stand in particular vital issues. However, a precaution is essential that Nepalese politician do not like so called open international interferences and imported ideas. Therefore, the international community or donor can use indirectly some Nepalese trained semi-political experts for the work, who could efficiently provide technical expertise and consultative support to particular leaders and party in regular basis without exposing the brand of particular donor and country. Such experts may require also extra ordinary qualities that might have broader access and closeness with respective politician, parties and top brass bureaucrats.

The Nepal based diplomats can constitute joint task forces whose main responsibility should to monitor and pressurize continuously to the particular parties and politician about their extended national and international commitments. They could use their donation’s agreement provisions as tools of pressure too. They could highlight about the Nepal’s national priority and peoples’ interest without prejudice while dialoging, negotiating and meeting with particular political parties and politicians about the issues of mutual interest and other related affairs. Besides, some negative diplomatic tools for bad-politicians may develop in symbolic manner to bar diplomatic privileges and immunities such as visa denial, non-invitation, diplomatic desolate, no-funding, no-moral support, access of denial from diplomatic community and international participation etc. may also use to control the unaccountable and undemocratic politician and parties by developing effective qualitative and quantitative parameters to create possible threat on them.

Fourthly, Of course, Nepal has also some good politicians and people in every party with ideal political background, so they also need to now unite and sacrifice for the nation. They have to be stand beyond the parties’ and individual wrongs interest, if found harmful for the national and citizens’ health. In their respective party, they have to make companion and movement against bad polity and political culture. They could pressurize respective leading groups to develop clear standard and ethical parameters for political role, duties, responsibilities and code of conduct about morale, professional and social life.

Specially, a high level independent internal powerful commission needs to constitute to monitor the legacy, legitimacy and lawful performances of political leaders. Such commission will have the rights to warn the politicians in every party, most of the politicians are very corrupt and not even transparent in many ways that have been already proved by Election Commission of Nepal, where many politicians, and political parties has not yet submitted their income-expenditure details besides its’ legal provisions. In cabinet, parliament and also in respective institutions of many institutions, where the leaders are supposed to submit their full properties detail, but they often disobey such legal provision. So, the respective authorities could develop some legal provisions that such politician parties or politicians should automatically suspended and may not be considered further illegible to participate in political process or power sharing till it complete all legal formalities. Additionally, the repeated wrongdoing may be registered and can be declare them nationally as permanent disqualification for political ineligibility. It can be also done though constitution amendments and other laws related to political election, appointment, nomination. Such wrong people should not be eligible for any public post or responsibility.

Fifthly, the culture of disqualifying the disqualified is urgent need in Nepalese scenario for protecting the qualified leaders in rational politics and polity of Nepal. The main fascinating crux of democratic polity is to honor the people’s sovereignty and supremacy at all time, commitment and honest actions towards fulfill the peoples’ interest and meaningful devotion to achieve national preferences in democratic manner, otherwise democracy will no longer sustain and will transform into “criminolocracy”.

It is really sad to illustrate the most of the Nepalese politicians are ineligible and disqualifies for politics, if we test them by using empirical norms and indicators. Nepalese democracy and politics are becoming worse and worse. Unaccountability and irresponsibility has become the major part of political cultures and it has long rooted in Nepalese polity. It is because majorities of politicians are belongs from the unqualified category, so it s time to revolt and ask politicians to redefine the social, moral, political and professional values and standard of politician and its parties. Hence, Nepalese need to put strong pressure to constitute immediately a nonpolitical experts’ constitutional high level commission, who may provide full rights and responsibility to judge and take immediate action against guilty or bad-activity or unfair-roles of the political parties and politician. The commission should assign enough judicial power to look at the rationale complains against them. Indeed, the commission should have enough authority to conduct necessary investigation, take into custody for investigation or take any necessary urgent action against the culprits, if found well-enough proofs of any wrongdoings, undemocratic, criminality, illegal or illegitimate activity or performance. The commission may provide the full judicial rights to disqualify any politicians for future political career, if enough evidences presented against. Also, some compensatory provisions may introduce if performance, decisions, or roles of particular political leaders or parties causes to hit on the personal, social, economical, or institutional losses.

Lastly, it is also a crucial time for bureaucrats to rethink about its conventional theology of impartiality, commitment, neutrality and peoples’ centric attitude with high professionalism in civil service. The bureaucrats now need to open their eyes about their legal, professional and legitimated roles. People accuse that politicians are bad because of bad-bureaucrats; they are somehow master of forged-politicians and mastermind for criminalizing the politics. The bureaucrats are also responsible in some extend to degrade the political-standards of Nepal. Therefore, civil servants and its professional organizations need to contribute to deal with the contemporary and crucial issues of political pathos. It will helpful to enforce effective implementation of comprehensive peace accord and constitution building process. It is believed that bureaucrats are closest kith and member of their kitchen cabinet, so they have enough opportunity to assist, watch, guide, and observe the politicians and political parties and to prevent from any wrongdoings. It is believes that the senior bureaucrats are often behind the scene. They design the roadmap for the huge corruption and criminal events. The politicians just perform direct leadership at the end of planning and preparations.

Therefore, it is times for all bureaucrats to contribute for its nation, national preferences, and peoples’ interest and also for the future generation. Please come all of us with honest minds and commitments, and start struggle against the corrupt and criminal politicians. Let’s be unite and stairs a fresh protest and warm them to be careful in due time, otherwise any actions may occurs against the enemy of the nation. In general understanding, bureaucrats are the major authority that can easily collected the required proofs against disqualified politicians and parties to disqualify them legally and remove permanently from Nepalese political structure; who have been fouling the politics and exploiting the nation as an octopus. Let’s starts at least cognitive movement today from ourselves to clean political contamination and contribute to establish sustainable peace, harmony, democracy and prosperity in the Nation. Let’s join our hand-in- hand and stands to contribute to the voice of neo-reform and transubstantiate the existing polluted polity into people’s centric democratic polity.

(Mr. Pushkar is a Peace and Conflict Management Expert and Under Secretary of Nepal Government, Email: khpushkar@gmail.com)

Nepal’s Dual Citizenship: A Suicidal Decision?

By Krishna Hari Pushkar,

Upcoming Dual Citizenship policy will be a big threat on democracy, sovereignty, integration and harmony in polity as well as in society too. Such stochastic policy could push our nation towards serious problem, if the government introduces the policy without analyzing the potential impact. Therefore, the government should go in open referendum accordance with the spirit of interim constitution before to approve the policy of dual citizenship.

The Non Residential Nepalese (NRN) has pressurized government to approve the dual citizenship policy and now government is almost agree on it. Sadly, there are misunderstandings among the people that NRN is only the people who are rich and living in rich country. Now, it’s time to be clear about the NRN. What about the 80-90 lakhs Nepalese who are living in India? What about the 4-5 laksh Nepalese who are living in Burma? What about the 3-4 lakhs Nepalese living Bhutan? For instance, let’s exclude the NRN people who have been living in prosperous country and prosperous profession and think what will happened if the described people come in Nepal and ask to be a part of dual citizenship?

I think most of them come in Nepal and will happily try to settle in Nepal permanently since the problem in Bhutan, Burma and India (see the problems and difficulties facing by Nepalese ethnic people in Assam etc.) have become huge headache for Nepalese ethnic people. I think most of them could easily establish relationship with Nepal and will able to fulfill all the required criteria to obtain citizenship.

We should be serious and learn first about our national capacity, limitation of resources, infrastructure and other related multifarious aspects. Just approving the dual citizenship is easy job for government, but to manage and maintain policy sustainably is more complex job. I think the citizenship includes the set of duties and responsibilities equally for a nation and individual too.

What happen if the all people come and ask the state to fulfill the constitutional, fundamental and human rights? Do you think that our nation is capable now to address the issues? Do you think the dual citizenship policy will prove profitable for Nepal? Isn’t it will be an additional burden of the nation? I think it will be a big threat on democracy, sovereignty, integration and harmony in polity as well as in society too. Such stochastic policy could push our nation towards serious problems, if the government introduces the policy without analyzing the potential impact.

Is there any research and homework conducted about the potential impact of dual citizenship policy with reference to Nepalese context?

Therefore, I request all stakeholders to be serious about the issue in timely; otherwise it will prove a suicidal step for the nation and the existing nationalities of Nepal. I am not sure but in my personal opinion, the government should go in open referendum before to approve the policy of dual citizenship.

Additional justification from Krishna Hari Pushkar:

Thank you. Please do understand that there is nothing to do with the NRN law and its definition. The major issues of dual citizenship are for those Nepalese who have been living abroad and have ended the Nepalese citizenship and also for those who are willing to do the same. Friends, pro-dual citizenship companion is based in a cagey logic that provision of dual citizenship will be helpful to attract FDI or private investment in Nepal from the so called limited rich people. However, you might know about the number of rich people who can really able to invest in Nepal. I think we could just count in finger about the number for such limited people, but you will lifelong unable to count the growing number of those people who seek for dual citizenship. You must know about the ratio of the people who want to invest in Nepal and the people who just want to have dual for their individual/personal benefit. May be millions of NRNs who are living abroad (India, Burma, Bhutan etc) will settle permanently in Nepal. Therefore, why should Nepal Government and people agree to provide dual citizenship? Could you provide any empirical justification? Do you know the number of people who want really investment and to be a part of socioeconomic development? I think Nepalese people are now aware and willing to know about the fact rather than the value.

Additional justification from Mr. Krishna Hari Pushkar:

In response to your argument, I would like to clear that I did not talk about those people who are only Nepalese speaking. But, I talked about those people who are inherent Nepalese and they migrated or left Nepal few decades ago due to employment or economical reasons. I am sure that they could obtain their Nepalese citizenship accordance with laws and could present enough proofs e.g. parental properties, blood relations, old voter list, lands and malpot related receipts etc. Most of the previously described non residential Nepalese have more than enough proofs to prove that they are well eligible to get “Bansaj Nagrikata”. Therefore, it should be clear that I talked about those non-residential Nepalese who are equally eligible as the defined nonresidential Nepalese who are living in so called developed and prosperous country.

Author's Bio: Mr. Pushkar was a DAAD fellow and studied research master in peace and conflict studies in Germany. In addition, he holds an internationally honored first class master degree in public administration. He has participated in dozens of national and international trainings, seminar, and workshops programs related to governance, migration, ethnicity, social inclusion, human rights, diplomacy, peace, security and conflict management in US, Europe and Asian countries. Mr. Pushkar often writes opinion articles, reports, conduct researches and publish commentary notes on the various contemporary issues related to the areas of his expertise, specially with reference to Nepal. He has been working under the Ministry of Home Affairs/Government of Nepal and well honored as a Peace, Security and Conflict Management Professional. Mr. Pushkar actively involves and also contributes regularly to the dozens of national and international nongovernmental organizations as a capacity of peace and conflict management expert.

Nepal's Tumbling Peace

Krishna Hari Pushkar

Every successful peace process has its time bound broader strategic norms along with an estimated destination. However, Nepal's peace process has been running in a mysterious rhythm. Neither the government itself nor related stakeholders are found serious, even the estimated destination of ongoing peace process of Nepal is under dubiousness. So, the ongoing peace process seems falling down into limbo. Appallingly, all larger and smaller parties attempt to take leadership of cabinet without caring the cost. There is no more seriousness whether the cost is insurgency or wreck or disposing existing peace process. As well, the diplomatic gravity is also being observed in centripetal pose to hop-on-hop-off the cabinet rather to gearing the peace process. Also, it has largely realized the ailing role of United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) and its continuous faulty stratagem has also become one of the most controversial and balking for the path to sustainable peace.

It is seen that all internal and external peace actors are visibly performing against the ethics of peace process and bouncing beyond the edge of comprehensive peace accord. So, how can Nepal's peace process go normally in such situation towards its expected end? Forlornly, it is hapless to describe that no any single direct and indirect actors found sincere and practically committed towards the success of ongoing peace process of Nepal. If the situation continues, it won't be surprising when the moist battalions decide to return jungle or government imposes special op against ethno-political combatants. It is unfortunate that some vested politicians' declares that re-insurgency or re-warfare is held in search of peace, however it has proved blunder to impel for “breach peace for peace”.

Many concerned people self-interact with bunch of FAQs on Nepal's peace process, where they often find less hopes for expected peace while interacting with honest hearts and minds, as people can easily observe the status quo anxious of ongoing peace process. There are very limited professionals involved in Nepal's' peace process. People feel sorry to see even the dishonesty, weakness, passiveness, and regressive attitudes of branded track 1, track 2 and track 3 diplomats. It is because the drawing, design and also involved technician of peace process have proved bluntly sprawled from its required standard. One of the weakest parts of the peace process is to be deficient in essential technical foundation and spares required for maintenance and cog during the motion while implementing the action plan of peace process. Frankly writing, the existing peace process's mechanism is a crowd of vested generalist, while a successful process required more specialists related to the entire areas and issues of respective peace process.

Specially, there are some most crosscutting dimensions of Nepal's peace process including the areas of constitution writing, government and governance system, combatant integration, social inclusion, restructuring of the nation, power share and division, equitable mainstreaming, balance development and particularly the issues related to ethno-regional problems of disadvantages and deprived groups. In addition, the equation gamble of primeministership has become also a like a virus affected dos-mode where most of the politicians and parties do not accept others' leadership to address the issue of peace process. Each of them has a consecutive attitude and believes that his or her supremacy is only the option that could take leadership and deal with the issue properly, which is one of the most untoward parts of the peace process. Unfortunately, no party is ready to accept others headship, whether the peace process collapses or get betrayed.

Ultimately, the general public is a sole victim of tumbling peace process of Nepal. The tumbling peace process can be treated by using various corrective methods. Therefore, all parties must understand that they are in interim transitional phases so, they should establish democratic multi party or multi party consensus government immediately before to take any decision regarding the peace process, if they really want to have true implementation of comprehensive peace accord.

The mutually agreed pluralistic government may helpful to enforce the decisions accordance with the spirit of comprehensive peace accord. Indeed, it will also assistive to move forward the constitution building and parliamentary process in democratic ways. Moreover, Track 1, 2 and 3 parties' requires productive involvement along with civic participation in special technical committees, which should broadly focus on efficient and effective peace process implementation, monitoring and supervision affairs. Nepal is passing through most fragile situation, so the security sector reform and democratization of state and non-state forces need to keep under special priority.

Naturally, general citizens specially the disadvantages and marginalized groups are expecting the honest implementation of social inclusion policy, social justice and mainstreaming policy in entire areas of the nation including political representation, employment and developmental affairs. Now expert illustrate that PLA integration and management is one of the most complex proportions of the peace process, so the justified and legitimated norms need to be developed which can prevent from the possible explode of cantonment based combatants.

Local as well as global pressure and efforts through the diplomatic system requires for maintaining and keeping curb to the peace process within rationale borderline. In addition, Nepal is a democratic country, so the true civil supremacy should be kept in the top priority but the heightening crisis over the peace and tumbling character in the peace process, governance, and government or even in the development works has created a crucial hegemony. Therefore, to prevent from the danger the peace process should be operated by a sustainable system in balance manner, otherwise peace can be breach any time and peace process will remains infinitely in tumbling position. The state and non-state peace pundits should carefully understand that peace has its two core frequencies which are psychological and physical peace assurances that must bring simultaneously to the general public, therefore ongoing faulty Nepal's' peace process must treat clinically to confiscate the crumpling technicalities of filtering peace process.

(Mr. Pushkar is a Peace and Conflict Management Expert and works under the Ministry of Home Affairs/Government of Nepal, Email: khpushkar@gmail.com )

Author's Bio: Mr. Pushkar was a DAAD fellow and studied research master in peace and conflict studies in Germany. In addition, he holds an internationally honored first class master degree in public administration. He has participated in dozens of national and international trainings, seminar, and workshops programs related to governance, migration, ethnicity, social inclusion, human rights, diplomacy, peace, security and conflict management in US, Europe and Asian countries. Mr. Pushkar often writes opinion articles, reports, conduct researches and publish commentary notes on the various contemporary issues related to the areas of his expertise, specially with reference to Nepal. He has been working under the Ministry of Home Affairs/Government of Nepal and well honored as a Peace, Security and Conflict Management Professional. Mr. Pushkar actively involves and also contributes regularly to the dozens of national and international nongovernmental organizations as a capacity of peace and conflict management expert.

Nepal: Non-Madhesis Occupied Madhesi Quota: An Open Challenge to Constitution

Nepal: Non-Madhesis Occupied Madhesi Quota: An Open Challenge to Constitution

I would like to draw your serious attention on a case of Public Service Commission. Recently, there are vacancies for the post of an under secretary and a joint secretary for Madhesi people accordance with the inclusive recruitment policy of Civil Service Act. Therefore, it is clear that the advertised Madhesis quotas-posts are for Madhesis people only as per letter and spirit of Interim Constitution and related agreements and understanding made among government and Madhes centric political parties.

According to the Public Service Commission and mentioned criteria, only Madhesi can apply for the post, however neither Public Service Commission, nor Government knows legally that who are Madhesis and how to identify the Madhesis. There is no any criterion, no any indicator, and no any official document that is clear on the definition or identity of Madhesis. However, there is an adhoc provision in law; Madhesis are the people who hold a Madhesi certificate issued by respective CDOs, which is only one legal basis to identify the Madhesis in legal form.

If you wish to apply in Madhesi quota, you must hold a certificate from CDO; it doesn’t a matter who and how you obtain the Madhesi certificate. Actually, our law is totally silent about the basis of CDO’s Certification. So, it is totally discretionary power of CDOs, who can easily issue the Madhesi Certificate to anyone, as per his interest and choice. No one can raise question or argumentation or cannot be done any legal challenges over such decisions in existing situation. So, CDOs’ decisions are being accepted as legitimate and legal in the absence of proper law, which is itself against the democratic doctrine, norms, and values of inclusive democracy.

I have learned from my many friends who are Non-Madhesis and have already applied in Madhesi quotas in various posts which are advertised for Madhesis people only. They told me that any Madhes based Non-Madhesi can get the certificate in two ways either giving some bribe or using some strong approach to CDOs. So, it is not much hard to get the certificate even for Non-Madhesi people.

According to the Public Service Commission, the applicants’ ratio is like 80 % (Non-Madhesis) and 20 % ( Madhesis) in Madhesis quotas’ posts. The Non-Madhesi applicants are growing day by day on Madhesis quota. Therefore, in this context, Government and related political parties should think properly on the horrible consequences of such defective inclusion policy. The concerned parties and affiliated authorities should be careful and need to work immediately on this issue; otherwise it could add another tension over the Madhes conflict. Specially, the Madhes centric political parties should vouch the voice through legislation, execution, and judiciary in necessary ways.

I hope you all will work together to resolve the issue soon. Thank you.

With best regards,

Krishna Hari Pushkar

Government of Nepal/ Ministry of Home Affairs

Singh Durbar, Kathmandu, Nepal

krishna.pushkar@moha.gov.np

Arm Revolution in Madhes & Peace Process

"Arm Revolution in Madhes & Peace Process"

Please have a look at a supplementary Nepali article on "Arm Revolution in Madhes & Peace Process". It is in Nepali preeti font and I have attached herewith both word and pdf version for your additional conveniences. You are also requested to publish and distribute through out your possible networks. I believe that this supplementary paper will helpful for the ongoing peace process of Madhesi Insurgents and also for the people and institutions who are working on Mahdes issue.
I look forward to your healthy comments and feedback. Thank you.

Please find full document in pdf version. Click Me.

Sincerely,

Krishna Hari Pushkar
Ministry of Home Affairs
Kathmandu

The Prejudiced Nepalese Media and Anti-Khas Madhesis

By Krishna Hari Pushkar

There are accusations against Nepalese Media that Khas dominated media and news agencies are still remained prejudiced towards the Madhes and Madhesis people. A justifiable incident has been observed during the sworn program of newly appointed Ministers of Prachanda’s cabinet on 23rd of August, 2008 at President House of Nepal. In that program most of the newly appointed Ministers of Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) were sworn into their mother tongue Maithili. However, the majorities' propagandist Nepalese Media were frequently reported, the sworn were taken into Hindi by Madhesi ethnic Ministers. Perhaps they wanted to create similar terrible hoo-hahs that occurred while Vice President Permanendra Jha took sworn into Hindi. This time people did not give importance to the propaganda of prejudiced media reports.

Madhesi people accuse the Khas media men of having some auto- translatable Hindi version sensor control earphone in their brain which gets automatically activated when they appear on any program related to the Madhesis. Hence, whatever the languages (Maithili, Bhojpuri or Awadhi) used by Madhesi fellows, the sensor control the reporters use to converts the language into Hindi only. Due to this technical problem, the reporters always report through their respective media that the Madhesi leaders only speak and promote Hindi. The prejudiced reporters spared propagandas that Madhesi want to make Nepal as a Sikkim or another state of India by promoting the Hindi language, clothing and Hindi performance in national ceremony. Actually, such claims are totally wrong and indicate some mental disorder of Nepalese prejudiced reporters. Thus, the Nepalese propagandist media always try to create disorder and battle between Khas and Madhesis people by manipulating such issues. There are no counter legal actions until now against such propagandists who spread Maithili version sworn into Hindi.

Some of the Madhesis feel more prosperous, prestigious and superior when they act and speak in Hindi. Personally, I am a Madhesi and my mother tongue is Maithili, so I prefer to speak Nepali when I have to speak other than Maithili, because Nepali is our national language and provides a better means of communication in Madhes and other parts of Nepal.

Nationalization and mainstreaming of Hindi is not highly regarded among Nepalese citizens due to the neocolonial grand design of India. Madhesis will not agree to lose their mother tongue and promote or accept Hindi as a means of common language in the Madhes region. Hindi should not be established and promoted as a second language for Madhesis people. I have read some baseless political claims and manipulated Media reports that Hindi is the major means of communication in Madhes and its people, who have other than Nepali mother tongues. It is totally wrong. I and other Madhesis would also prefer to see our own mother tongues such as Maithili, Bhojpuri, Tharu and Awadhi or Nepali etc., as means of communication in Madhes. We do not have to find or substitute our mother tongues or national languages with Hindi. We are better at and completely comfortable with our own languages.

In addition, there are facts the Nepalese media use to translate the Maithili, Bhojpuri, Tharu and Awadhi, etc., into Hindi. People become angry and are compelled to use less popular languages and behavior to oppose and keep separate our identity from imposed Khas languages and its culture.

There are also problems in Madhesis parts where they suffer from some anti-Nepali language phobic neurosis. Even common Nepali, Madhesi as well as all other indigenous, tribal, etc. people love to listen or act the official works, statements, speeches, discussions, behaviors or communications things either in their own mother tongue or national language Nepali. However, some top Madhesi leaders use Hindi in national events. No one can understand such anxiety. These Madhesi leaders frequently speak Nepali everywhere including in office, interviews, home, radio program and the place of formal-informal communication, routine life, and elsewhere. Why do they not like to speak or use their mother tongue or national language Nepali while they appear in formal national events or ceremony or places such as sworn ceremonies or in parliament?

Now it is a research question to know that why the Nepalese media use Hindi language card against the Madhes- and Madhesi people and why the Madhesi leaders also use the same card against Nepali language or Khas people. Khas claims that Madhesis use Hindi just to please Indian authorities and Madhesis claim Hindi as common language of Madhes. Therefore, the issues are really complex. Hence, the Nepalese media and the Madhesis people have to rethink seriously on the language conflict of Nepal. Otherwise, the language violence will continue, if both parties do not come to an agreement. The nation should urgently focus on amicably resolving the language chaos.

(Mr. Pushkar is affiliated with Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of Nepal)

Management Issues of Maoist Guerrilla's-PLA in Nepal

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Gf]kfndf /x]sf] ;+o'Qm /fi6«;+l3o dfl6{g6f]nLsf] ;dGJfofTds cg'udgdf /x]sf] sl/j aL; xhf/ hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] Joj:yfkg ;DjlGw /fhg}lts lvrftfgLsf ;fy;fy} s'6g}lts OGb«hfnn] k/fsfi7f g} gfl3;s]sf] 5 . o;n] /fi6«klt lgjf{rgb]lv k|wfgdGqL lgjf{rg ;Ddsf] d'2fdf dfq xf]Og ls dGqfno jfF8kmf8df ;d]t xnf] c8sfof] . oltdfq sxfF xf] /, o;n] ljutsf] ;ftblno ;xdlt, j[xQ zflGt;Demf}tf OTofbLdf klg u|x0f nufof] . kmn:j?k /fHo nfdf] ;do;Dd ;/sf/lxgtfsf] jlGb klg jGg k'Uof]] . b]ze/L c/fhstf, sfg"glxgtf j9\b} /fi6« g} pb08tGqsf] rk]6fdf k/]sf] hf] sf]xLnfO{ ;lhn} cg'ej x'G5 . ctM of] n]v dfkm{t o; ;DjGwdf cawf/0fut?kdf ax'rlr{t æhgd'lQm ;]gf Joj:yfkgÆ sf s]lx kIfx? k|:t't ul/Psf] 5 .

Hfgd'lQm ;]gf sf] x'g <

· Hfgd'lQm ;]gf g]kfn sDo"lgi6 kf6L{ -dfcf]jfbL_n] hgo'4sfndf ;z:q ultljlw ;+rfng ug{ egf{ ul/Psf n8fs' b:tf x'g\ .

· k|r08ky / dfcf]jfbnfO{ sfof{Gjog u/fpgsf nflu ;+ul7t s§/klGy cg'ofoLx?sf] ;Zf:q b:tf x'g\ .

· dfl6{g 6f]nLaf6 6fFrf nufO{ lzlj/x?df /flvPsf]] dfcf]jfbLsf z;:q sfo{stf{x? x'g .

· dfl6{g 6f]nLaf6 cof]Uo 7x/fO{{Psf] jf lzlj/df :j]lR5s jf /0fg}lts ?kdf g/flvPsf] jf jfO{l;Pn h:tf cw{;}lgs ;+/rgfdf /flvPsf] n8fs'x? klg x'g\ .

pk/f]Qm cfwf/x?df hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] kl/efiff ug{ ;lsPklg xfn ;+o"Qm /fi6«;+l3o lgsfo …cgldg’, dfcf]jfbL kf6L{ / cGo /fhg}lts kf6L{x?n] hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] kl/efiff km/s–km/s ?kdf u/]sf] kfOG5 . t/ klg dfl6{g 6f]nLåf/f 6fFrf nufO{ /flvPsf sl/j jL;xhf/ hgd'lQm ;]gfn] /fli6«o / cGt/fli6«o lgsfoaf6 cflwsfl/s ?kdf dfGotf kfPsf] b]lvG5 .

Hfgd'lQm ;]gf sxf 5g <

dfl6{g 6f]nLaf6 6fFrf nufOPsf] Hfgd'lQm ;]gfdWo] w]/} hgf lzlj/x?df /x]sf5g\ eg] s]xL c+u/Ifssf] ?kdf / s]lx :f'/Iffuf8{sf] ?kdf klg /flvPsf5g\ . lagf 6Ffrfjfnf hgd'lQm ;]gfsf xsdf eg] sf]xL jfO{l;Pndf t sf]xL cGo eft[;+u7gdf ;+nUg /xL Jojxfl/s?kdf cw{;}lgs ultljlwx?df ;+nUg ePsf] kfO{G5 . s]xL Hfgd'lQm ;]gf ;ef;b\ ePsf 5g\ eg] s]xL ljleGg :yflgo, If]lqo tyf s]Gb|Lo g]t[Tjdf klg /x]sf5g\ . dfcf]jfbL g]tf e§/fO{n] oL ;j} k|sf/sf ;Demf}tf lakl/tsf s'/fx?nfO{ jGb ug{] k|lta4tf ;+lawfg ;efdf 3f]if0ff ul/;Sg'ePsf] ePtf klg o;sf] sfof{Gjog eg] ;a}sf] z+sfsf] 3]/fdf 5 .

hgd'lQm ;]gfsf ;sf/fTds / gsf/fTds b'j} k|sf/sf ultljlwx? b}lgs rrf{df /x]sf] kfO{G5 . ;do–;dodf hgd'lQm ;]gf slxn] ljsf;lgdf{0f, ;/;kmfO{ tyf z';f;g Joj:yf OTofbLdf tlNng ePsf] ;'lgG5 eg] slxn] xTof, n'6kf6, ckx/0f, u'08fubL{, lj/f]w, rGbf, cfs|d0fdf ;+nUg ePsf] klg ;dfrf/ dfWoddf x]g{ kfO{G5 . csf]{lt/ :j3f]lift?kdf hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] laleGg gfddf ljNnf nufPsf dflg;x?nfO{ ;lhn} hq–tq ljleGg ?kdf e]6\g kfO{G5 . ctM k|d"v r'gf}tL eg]sf] g} hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] Jojxfl/s klxrfg ug'{ g} xf] . dfl6{gljNnf ePsfnfO{ ;lhn} lrGg ;lsPklg ;f] jfx]ssfnfO{ s;/L lrGg] <>

s'g hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] Joj:yfkg h?/L 5 <

l;4fGttxM 6Ffrfjfnf hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] Joj:yfkgsf] d'2f ljjfbf:kb / cfjZos 7flgPklg Jojxf/txM ljgf6fFrfjfnf dfcf]jfbL ;]gfsf] Joj:yfkg t'ngfTds?kdf cfjZos b]lvG5 . of] d'2f /fi6« / :jo+ dfcf]jfbLsf] nflu klg 7"nf] lrGtfsf] ljifo ePsf] x'g'k5{ . t/ of] n]vsf] laifoa:t'nfO{ 6fFrfjfnfsf] Joj:yfksLo kIfdf dfq s]lGb|t ul/Psf] 5 .

;flRr s} eGg] xf] eg], clxn] of] hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] Joj:yfkg k|efjsf/L / bIftfk"j{s ul/Pg eg] /fHo l;w} csf]{ vt/gfs o'4df ws]lng ;S5 . g]kfn ;/sf/ / g]=s=kf=dfcf]jfbLlarsf] j[xt zflGt ;Demf}tf, /fli6«o tyf cGt/fli6«o k|of;x? / dfl6{g6f]nLsf] clxn] ;Ddsf] ;j} k|of;x? jfn'jf df kfgL xfn] h:t} xg]5 . ctM ;DjlGwt ;j} /fli6«o tyf cGt/fli6«o lgsfox?sf] ;+o'Qm k|of;df sd;]sd 6fFrfjfnf hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] dfq eP klg k|efjsf/L tyf lb3{sflng Joj:yfkgnfO{ k|fyldstfsf] ljifo agfpg' cfjZos 5 .

dfcf]jfbL ;]gfsf] Joj:yfkg ;DjGwL Joj:yf s] 5 <

g]kfn clw/fHosf] cGtl/d ;+ljwfg @)^# tyf lj:t[t zflGt ;Demf}tf @)^# df n]lvPsf] k|fjwfg cg';f/ dfcf]jfbL ;]gfsf n8fs'x?sf] /]vb]v, ;dfof]hg / k'g{:yfkgf ug]{ ;DaGwdf cGtl/d dlGqkl/ifbn] ljz]if sldl6 jgfP/ sfd ug]{ dfq pNn]v ePsf] kfOG5 . hgd'lQm ;]gfnfO{ k|x/L jgfpg] jf /fli6«o ;]gf jf /fHosf] cw{;}lgs jn df ?kfGt/0f ug]{ Joj:yf slx st} s'g} cf}krfl/s b:tfj]hdf ePsf] kfO{b}g . hgd'lTfm ;]gf Joj:yfkgsf] gfddf hgo'4 n8]sf] k'/:sf/ jfkt n8fs'x?nfO{ s'g} Ps k|sf/sf] :yfoL hflu/ k|bfg ug]{ cwf]lift pb]Zo / nIo b]lvP tfklg oL ;]gfx?nfO s;/L sxfF Joj:yfkg ug]{ eGg] af/] ;f] sf] u[xsfo{ slxst} ePsf] xfn;Dd kfOb}g . t/ g]kfn sDo"lgi6 kf6L{ -dfcf]jfbL_n]] pSt b:tfsf] gfd ;]gf /fv]sf] / pgLx?nfO{ hgo"4 sfndf kf6L{sf] ;}lgs ultljlwdf ;z:q hTyfsf] ?kdf k|of]u ul/Psf]n] g]=s=kf= dfcf]jfbLn] pgLx?nfO{ g]kfnL ;]gfdf g} ;dfof]hg ug{' kg]{ hf]/bf/ dfu u/]sf] b]lvG5 eg] dfcf]jfbL afx]ssf /fhg}ltsbnx? / :jo+ g]kfnL ;]gf klg dfcf]jfbLsf] of] wf/0ffsf] k|lt/f]ws b]lvG5 .

hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] Joj:yfkgfsf] r"gf}tL tyf ;d:ofx? s] s] x'g <

· dfcf]jfbLn] ldlnh'nL ;/sf/sf] a};fvLdf e/kg{' kg]{ jfWofTds cj:yfdf x'g' .

· dfcf]jfbL jfx]ssf ;j} bn tyf :jo+ ;}lgs tyf k|x/L ;+u7gx? g} ;dfof]]hgsf] k|lt/f]ws x'g' .

· hgd'lQm ;]gf Joj;flos /fli6«o ;]gf geP/ kf6L{ ljz]ifsf] ;]gf x'g' / o;sf] egf{, 5gf}6 tyf sfo{z}nL 5fkfdf/ u'/LNnf df]8]ndf /fhg}lts :jfy{ cg";f/ x'g' .

· cGt/f{li6«o tyf /fli6«o dfkb08x? h:t}M of]Uotf, pd]/, tflnd, kbzf]kfg / ef}lts tyf dfgl;s of]Uotfx? k|rlnt sfg"g tyf dfGotf cg'?k gx'g' .

· ljwdfg ;}lgs jf k|x/L ;+/rgfdf hgd'lQm ;]gf ldnfpbf ;+VofTds ?kdf af]em, k"0f{ cg'Tkfbs / ;+u7gdf k"0f{ cJoj;foLs ;+:s[ltsf] ljsf; x'g] ;Defjgf x'g''' .

· hgd'lQm ;]gf ;dfof]hgsf] d'2f ;Fu} dw]zL nufotsf ;d"bfox?n] ;dfj]zLs/0fsf] nflu ;d"xut hflto egf{ (Mass Recruitment) sf] dfu zzt{ cuf8L ;fg'{ .

· o; k|sf/sf] ;dfoflht ;]gfn] cGt/f{li6«o dfGotf kfpg sl7gfO{ x'g' .

· cfly{sef/sf] r/d l:ylt ;[hgf x'g] ;Defjgf x'g''' .

· cGo w]/} ljb|f]xL ;]gfsf] 6's8Lx?sf] hGd x'g] / jnhkm\tL ;dfof]hgsf] ;+:s[lt sfod x'g;Sg] ;Defjgf x'g''' .

· ;dfof]hg x'g] c+ux?df /x]sf /fi6«;]js / dfcf]jfbLsf hgd'lQm ;]gfx? ljr w«'ljs/0f eO{ åGb ;[hgf x'g' sf ;fy}] plgx?sf] dgf]jndf gs/fTds c;/ kg{;Sg] ;Defjgf x'g''' . .

Hfgd'lQm ;]gfsf] ;kmn Joj:yfkg s;/L ug]{ <

Hfgd'lQm ;]gfsf] Joj:yfkg sf] nflu /f]huf/L g} k|d"v pkfo x'g] b]lvG5 . ;j} hgd'lQm ;]gf af:tjd}} k|x/L, ;}lgs jf cw{;}lgs jf s'g} ;'/Iff lgsfodf ;dfof]hg x'g OR5's b]lvb}g / ;a} zfl/l/s ?kdf ;'/Iff ;]jfsf] nflu of]Uo klg 5}gg\ . w]/} h;f]n] lb3{sfnLg /f]huf/L kfpg] xf] eg] ;}lgs jf k|x/L k]zf eGbf cGoq hfg ?rfpg] b]lvG5 . ctM hgd'lQm ;]gf Joj:yfkgsf] nflu b]xfo pkfox? b]lvG5 .

-s_ eO/x]sf] s'g} ;/sf/L ;+u7gx?df laz]if Joj:yf u/L hfuL/ k|bfg ug]{ .

-v_ eO/x]sf] ;+u7gx?df k"0f{ ;djGofTds Ps :jtGq lgsfo u7g u/]/ ;dfof]hg ug{] .

-u_ 5'6} cl:tTjsf] :jtGq ;+u7gsf] :yfkgf u/]/ hfuL/ k|bfg ug{] .

-3_ /f]huf/Lsf P]lR5s ljsNkx? cjnDjg u/fP/ /f]huf/Lsf] Aoj:yf ug{] .

-ª_ dfly pNn]lvt pkfox? dWo] Ps jf Ps eGbf j9L pkfox? cfjZostf cg';f/ cjnDjg ug]{ .

Dffly pNn]lvt pkfox?dWo], Gf]kfn ;/sf/ tyf g]kfn sDo"lgi6 kf6L{ -dfcf]jfbL_n]] hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] Aoj:yfkg ;DjlGw ljz]if Aoj:yf u/L dfly j'Fbf -s_ df pNn]v eP adf]lhd g]kfn k|x/L jf g]kfnL ;]gfsf] ;+u7gdf l;w} ;dfof]hg ug{] / ljz]if lsl;dsf] kbzf]kfg, sfd, st{Jo, clwsf/, lgo'lQm, j[ltljsfz, cjsfz tyf ;'ljwfsf] ljz]if Aoj:yf tf]s]/ ug{ ;lsG5 . t/ of] Tolt /fd|f] ljsNk gx'g;S5 . of] k|ls|ofsf] nflu w}}/} afwf lj/f]w, sfg"gL c8\rg nufotsf r'gf}tLx? em]Ng' kg{] x'g;S5 .

To:t} j'Fbf -v_ cg';f/ laBdfg g]kfnL ;]gf, g]kfn k|x/L jf z;:q k|x/Lsf] ;+u7gdf 5'§}} jflxgL jf ljefux? u7g u/L ljz]if lhDd]jf/L tf]sL hgd'lQm ;]gfnfO{ ;dfof]hg ug{ ;lsG5 . j'Fbf -u_ df n]lvPadf]lhd ;/sf/ n] 5'§} cw{;}lgs c+u jf ;'xfpbf] k|s[ltsf] ;'/Iff lgsfo h:t}M cf}wf]lus ;'/Iffjn, ;Ldf ;'/Iffjn jf ;z:q lghLuf8{ jnsf] ljsf; u/L ug{ ;Sg]5 . csf]{ dxTjk"0f{ ljsNksf] ?kdf j'Fbf -3_ df elgP h:t} ljBdfg lzlj/x?sf hgd'lQm ;]gfx?nfO{ :j]lR5s /f]huf/Lsf] nflu k|fljlws 1fg, lzk, k"+hL, tflnd tyf cfjZos cfly{sk|fljlws ;xof]u k|bfg u/]/ uf]N8]g xof08;]s u/]/ k7fpg ;lsg]5 . o;sf cltl/Qm O{R5's nfO{ j}b]lzs /f]huf/ tyf zLkd"ns Jofkf/–Joj;fosf] nflu klg df}sf k|bfg u/]/ Joj:yfkg ug{ ;lsG5 .

dfly pNn]lvt kfFrf} df]8]n j'Fbf -ª_ sf ;DaGwdf, hgd'lQm ;]gfsf] OR5f, /fi6«sf] cfjZotf / pgLx?sf] of]Uotf, bIftf / zLksf cfwf/df hgd'lQm ;]gfx?;Fu ;dGjo / 5nkmnu/L ljleGg ;d"xdf 5'6\ofpg] / pko'Qmtfsf] cfwf/df j'Fbf -s_b]lv j'Fbf -3_ ;Ddsf pkfox?df laz]if1tfsf] cfwf/df hgd'lQm ;]gfnfO{ ;dfj]z u/fO{ ;kmn / k|efjsf/L Joj:yfkg ug{ ;lsG5, h"g t'ngfTds ?kdf sd ljjfbf:kb, ldtJooL tyf ;lhn} sfof{Gjog ug{ ;lsg] x'G5 .

pk/f]Qm j'Fbf -s_ b]lv j'Fbf -ª_ ;Dd sf pkfox?dWo] j'Fbf -s_ / -v_ cg';f/sf] dfq Aoj:yfkg cToGt hl6n, ljjfbf:kb tyf r"gf}ltk"0f{ x'g;Sg] b]lvG5 eg] j'Fbf -u_, -3_ / -ª_ sf] pkfox? t'ngfTds?kdf Af9L k|efjsf/L / ;lhn} ;kmntfk"j{s sfof{Gjog ug{ ;lsg] b]lvG5 . cem} eGg' kbf{ j'Fbf -ª_ nfO{ ;a} eGbf pko'Qm pkfo dfgL ;/sf/n] cjnDjg ug{' a9L j'l4dfgL b]lvG5 .

cGTodf, ljwdfg hgd'lQm ;]gf Aoj:yfkg / /fhg}lts lvrftfgL sf] ljifo ca nfdf] ;do;Dd yftL /fVg'sf] ;§f of] d'2f k|fljlwsx?sf] ;Nnfx tyf l;kmfl/; cg';f/ dfly k|:t't ul/Psf pkfox? cjnDjg u/L Joj:yfkg ug{ ;lsof]] eg] lglZrt?kdf ;lhn} Aoj:yfkgsf] ;fy;fy} zflGt k|ls|ofsf] ;kmn cjt/0f x'g;S5 . olb of] d'2f oyfl;w|| ;a} bnx? ldnL ;do d} Aoj:yfkg ul/Pg eg] g]kfnL hgtfnfO{ g]tfx?n] b]lvPsf] gofF g]kfn lgdf{0fsf] ;kgf / cGt/fli6«o lgsfodf zflGt k|ls|ofsf] sf/0fn] sdfPsf] k|lti7f ;j} u'Dg ;S5 / /fHo k"gM 4Gbsf] e"Fd/Ldf km:g ;Sb5 .

-n]Vfs zflGt tyf åGb Joj:yfkg ljifosf] cg';Gwfgstf{ x'g'x'G5 / g]kfn ;/sf/sf] u[x dGqfno;+u cfjå x'g'x'G5 _