Weak State: Foreigners Disobeying the Laws of Nepal

(With special reference to Labour and Immigration Laws of Nepal)

By Krishna Hari Pushkar

In every country in the world, foreigners are required to have an employment permit from the respective government. If they do not consequences, such as immediate repatriation along with huge fines and imprisonments and even long term restriction in entry to the country can be implemented. In most of the country, the work permit is regulated by the joint mechanisms of the Labour Department and the Immigration System or something similar. Of course, the police is part of that, and a law enforcement agency can take immediate action if they find any foreigner working without obtaining the necessary labour/ employment permissions from respective authorities.

Nepal is a peculiar country in the world where massive numbers of foreigners have been working without obtaining necessary employment permit and appropriate visas. It is not limited to the private sector, but also in government-owned and popular multinational companies which have huge numbers of foreign employees against the provisions of Labour Law and the Immigration Law of Nepal. Massively, tourist visas and "not right visa" holders have found being employed by various government and nongovernmental sectors including hotels, restaurants, construction, and telecommunication, hydropower, banking areas and other systems of Nepal.

According to Labour Act, 2048 (1992) and Labour Rules, 2050 (1993), if a Nepalese citizen could not be available for any skilled technical post even after publishing an advertisement in a national-level public newspaper and journal, the manager may submit an application to the Department of Labour along with the evidence of such fact for approval to appoint a non-Nepalese citizen. If it is found, in conduction of an inquiry upon the submission of any application pursuant, that a Nepalese citizen would not be available for the skilled technical post mentioned in the application, the Department of Labour may, on the recommendation of the Labour Office, grant approval to engage a non-Nepalese citizen at work for a maximum period of up to five years not to exceed two years at a time and, in the specialized kind of skilled technical post, for a period of up to seven years. The manager who engages non-Nepalese citizens shall have to make arrangements for making the Nepalese citizens skilled and for replacing the non-Nepalese citizens gradually by them."

There is no concrete statistics on how many foreigners are working and being employed against the provisions of the Labour Law and Immigration Law of Nepal. It is estimated that more than fifty thousand foreigners are working and living illegally in Nepal without obtaining appropriate visa and permission from the Department of Labour. The Labour Law is equally applicable to all those foreigners who work in any factory, company, organization, association, firm, or group thereof, established under the prevailing laws for the purpose of operating any industry, profession or service where ten or more workers or employees are engaged ( Labour Act, 2048). But who cares?

Unfortunately the state is under transition and suffering with the dilemmas of a conflict /post conflict situation where everything is fragile. The state is not currently capable to regulate with impunity the foreigners and its employers.

There are rare histories and stories where Immigration, Police or Labour Departments' authorities have tried to regulate or monitor the issue. It should be the matter of concern for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs too, but no efforts have been found against such impunity of foreigners. Many times the media has reported that international criminals and smugglers have been using the territory of Nepal as their safe home since no productive regulation, monitoring, observation and surveillances are being used to manage the presence and activity of foreigners.

Unfortunately, in the port of entry or in diplomatic missions of Nepal, we issue visas to almost all foreigners without analyzing and assessing the applications and their backgrounds in most cases. Very often we do not verify the negative list that comes from the international or national security surveillances or intelligence system. In practice, we just issue tourist visas to all foreigners who seek to enter Nepal, no matter what their purposes are, and how long, and where and how they want to stay.

In most developed countries of the world, labour or employment permits are being obtained either by the employer or by the potential employee in advance as a precondition before applying for employment/work visa. And in some of the countries, the selected foreign employee gets a short term non-tourist visa in the port of entry or can obtain it from a respective diplomatic mission after furnishing all necessary documents. Afterward the visa gets extended after arrival once the employees or respective employers fulfill all terms and conditions and obtain employment permits and approval from the department of labour or similar authorities. In most of the countries immigration authority issues, like a renewal resident e-card, contains the information detailing the status of the particular foreigners, so they do not have to carry the passport and visa all the time.

In Nepal, there is pitiable coordinating among the respective authorities on the issue. The Labour Department, Immigration Department and other sectorial department and ministries rarely share and coordinate the information, or even use joint efforts to address the issues of disobeying and impunity of foreigners that would compel them to respect and follow the laws of Nepal.

The national security mechanism, including the Chief District Officer, Nepal Police, and National Investigation Department are also among accountable authorities to control and manage the unlawful acts and presence of foreigners, but these are not effective and never come into action against the foreigners till they commit serious crimes or are involved in aggressive public demonstrations, activities and issues of public interest that affect the public and nation on a massive level.

It is neither the employer nor the foreign employees in Nepal themselves who are serious about Immigration and the Labour Law of Nepal. Some of them don't even know about the laws. Additionally, there is also corruption, manipulation and irregularities that exist in the system that empower and gives courage to foreign employees and their employers in Nepal to ignore the spirit and provisions of the law.

Also, the law is itself faulty in a sense of clearness and procedural aspects. These laws can be easily manipulated, defined and executed in accordance with the discretion of authorities. The respective law enforcement authorities cannot execute it properly because of lack of resources, trained human resources, ICT, and scientific service delivery culture. So, the government should immediately address the problems and difficulties by arranging joint efforts for betterment, effectiveness and efficiency of these laws and the concerned authority.

Some immediate actions are essential; first, the government should instantly issue a public notice describing the provisions in terms of appropriate visa and labour/employment permissions along with times detailed. Secondly, a joint operation team can be formed containing the representation from necessary law enforcement authorities that need a massive operation in various sectors and geographical areas of Nepal especially in potential sectors and areas where foreigners are illegally and irregularly employed. Indeed, the Department of Immigration and Department of Labour should start regular and strategic inspections and monitor work to check and control illegal and irregular activities and the presence of foreigners. The employment/labour permits should be made mandatory before-hand to issue or extend visas for a particular period. By Law, both employees and employers should be made equally responsible for the labour/employment/permit and appropriate visas.

Furthermore, the Department of Immigration, Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Department of Labour must share the detailed information on the presence and job activities of foreigners who are employed or seeking to get employment in Nepal. At the end of the every year, the Department of Immigration and Labour should produce a yearly report describing in detail the employers who have recruited foreigners and also about the foreign employees themselves, their work detail and how long they are in Nepal under the definition of employment.

The horrible trend should be controlled immediately; otherwise it will be a threat on governance systems, the socio-economic situation, national security, sovereignty, and the financial system. Therefore, the government should immediately get rid of any disobeyers of the law. However, in the long-term, the Government of Nepal needs to form a team or commission of experts to review, revise, restructure and improve the overall system of Immigration and Employment Management of foreigners in Nepal.

Mr. Krishna Hari Pushkar writes about social issues, security and conflict management, often in relation to Nepal. An Under Secretary of Government in Nepal, he is well honored as a Peace, Security and Conflict Management Professional, who contributes regularly to national and international nongovernmental organizations as a peace and conflict management expert.

Source: http://newsblaze.com/story/20100801122441abha.nb/topstory.html

Reintegration of Former Combatants

Ministry of Labour Needs To Be Involved in Reintegration of Former Combatants

By Krishna Hari Pushkar

The reintegration issue of ex-Maoist combatants has become one of the most confrontational issues of the ongoing Nepal peace process.

The ongoing Nepalese Peace Process (PP) has been virtually shelved. The basic deadline for constitution building has been ended with no result. The Peace Process is simply being destroyed due to the consensual derivatives between the Maoists and Nepal Government on reintegration issues.

Both parties have agreed to integrate the former Maoist guerrillas into the Nepalese security system but have always been undecided about the number of guerrillas. The United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) is supposed to provide technical support in the peace process; however the role of UNMIN has not been very useful in this regard.

Surprisingly, the Internal and external stakeholders of the Nepalese Peace Process have remained silent on the turmoil. For this reason, the bilateral-multilateral confrontation on reintegration affairs has become one of the major hurdles in achieving sustainable peace through an agreed-upon comprehensive peace accord.

Both parties are sticking to the stance to forcefully push the ex-combatants into security forces ignoring the choice, voice and rights of the ex-Maoist guerrillas. Despite the huge scope, and the role and sources of the ministry, it is being completely undermined by so called peace leaders and their teams handling the issues.

According to the Government of Nepal's Work Division Regulation 2064, the Ministry of Labour and Transport Management has important and relevant responsibilities that include internal and external labour and employment affairs, social safety nets and security, vocational trainings, HRD/man power development and etc. Thus the assigned responsibilities and authority of the Ministry could be incredibly helpful to manage or reintegrate thousands of intended people or ex-Maoist combatants through direct/indirect, internal and external mechanisms of the ministry.

Frankly, the ministry is quite able to provide opportunities for internal and external employment, skill oriented vocational trainings, and many other courses and opportunities for reintegration and rehabilitation of former guerrillas.

Although, the role and potential resources of the Ministry has been forgotten while discussing the reintegration and rehabilitation issue of ex-combatants; it has been never been discussed or put forward by the Ministry itself/ the government nor by the Maoist party.

According to a survey report, the majority of cantonment-based Maoist guerrillas are considering their choices to go for other alternatives rather to enter into army. Also, both parties have realized that accommodating all (approximately 19,000) former guerrillas in the army is not possible, they all are still insisting and only sticking with employing them in the army sector.

It is not just a matter of realization of facts but also beyond the national need and capacity. It has been also observed that there are hundreds of ex-Maoist combatants who are not eligible (old, children, disabled, ill-sick etc.) to meet the minimum eligibility and condition to enter in national security system, so again, there are good alternatives to assigning the job to the labour ministry.

The top brass of government, ruling political parties, Maoists, and the technical committee, have all stopped moving forward on reintegration issues--including the previously constituted high-level political mechanism (HLPM).

Still dismissing the truth, both conflicting parties are digging ways either to integrate them into the army or in other national security systems leaving the other better options of rehabilitation and reintegration through the Ministry of Labour.

In accordance with eligibility and the rights, voices and choices of the former Maoist Guerrillas, the Ministry may create many options and modules of reintegration and rehabilitation, such as:

A. Choices to go in foreign employment in more than one hundred thirty destinations, under more than two hundred varieties of technical and non technical jobs.

B. Choices to settle into domestic employment. The ministry can easily help to develop preferential employment packages for the ex-combatants by developing strategic policy, programs and functional coordination of industrialists, private sector and trade union institutions.

C. The Ministry has capabilities to provide skill based short-term and long-term vocational trainings on a need basis that may help ex-combatants, whether they choose domestic and international jobs or prefer self-employment.

D. The ministry has enriched funding capabilities for pre to post employment phases and can introduce chain welfare investments for the potential candidates among the ex-combatant Maoist guerrillas.

E. In addition, the ministry have many contingency possibilities to rehabilitate ex-Maoist combatants through social safety net programs and also could include them into jobs such as in the transport management sector. However the government as well other related stakeholders must be careful to consider the integrated community-based reintegration approach rather than the ex-combatant based targeted approach of reintegration. The worlds experience has proved that most DDR programs have failed because the community and relevant stakeholders were ignored in pre to post phases of the entire process.

Therefore, the Ministry could be a principle means to deal and resolve the ongoing dilemmas of the peace process on the reintegration and rehabilitation issue of ex-Maoist combatants since it has a strong, and broader nationwide network and many collaborations with the respective community as well as to the stakeholders. Sometimes, it is judicious to resolve the problem from outside the horizon, especially if the given framework is unable to resolve the problem or adding more and more difficulties in the name of searching for solutions within a limited framework.

Furthermore, it has been observed through a survey report that they will be happier to jump inside the explored options of the Ministry. The illustrated options are financially, technically and legally viable and can also be quickly implemented to address the reintegration and rehabilitation crisis of cantonment-based guerillas, as well as for those deviated combatants who are running in search of socioeconomic reintegration and rehabilitation.

Except for the Maoist party, most of the stakeholders in the peace process want to minimize the number as much as possible of ex-combatants to integrate into the Nepal Army or any other national security system. Because the existing Maoist guerrillas neither meet any professional standard and norms of "State Security" nor is this possible after the merger as international factors and recognition are important for the state security system.

Secondly, Maoist Guerrillas are obvious political extremists, biased and infected with extreme Maoism and prachnadpath, and naturally deviate towards a specific political ideology of its party. Thirdly, similar questions might emerge when another existing insurgent group asks for a similar type of reintegration.

There are more than two dozen other rebellion groups who have also been fighting against the State in various parts of Nepal. It is my observation that the political reintegration model of the Nepalese peace process (accepting Maoists as lawmakers, giving enough places in parliament and directly appointing them into various senior policy level posts in the name of political integration) has become one of the major motivational factors for existing ethno-regional insurgent groups who have started fighting with a hope that they will also get chances to be member of parliaments or some other appointment while they enter in the peace process like the Maoist rebellion.

Of course, the nature and composition of existing insurgent groups are also similar to Maoist guerrillas, and some would say a majority are the splinter groups of Maoists--so what do we do in the future if such things are repeated? Other rebels could also ask for a similar model of political reintegration and also mass entry into the state security system as Maoists are claiming now, so can we really afford it?

Lastly, the existing performances and activities of Maoist guerrillas are still in a rebellious line; they are not even trying to stay in normality nor do they believe in peaceful political democratic philosophy, even after entering in the peace process under the supervision of UNMIN. Therefore it is difficult to stick on a path that pushes entire reintegration with the whole country in chaos.

Therefore, it is clever for all peace process stakeholders to explore the Ministry of Labour and Transport Management as efficient options/alternatives for the reintegration and rehabilitation issue of Ex-Maoist Combatants. This option will bring plenty of benefits including resolving the political deadlock, and will be helpful to drive the entire peace process to its logical end, assisting to harmonize and socialize the ex-combatants in strategic manner.

One of the principle products of the approach is to help and restore the constitution building process in a timely and efficient manner. Additionally, this approach will also minimize the general and technical complexities of reintegration and rehabilitation of cantonment-based guerillas.

Of course, the described way, via the ministry, will increase and add additional value on the success of the ongoing process, and its productivity towards the similar concept and manner of DDR, SSR and RRR (which are crucial and indispensable in a post conflict scenario). Hence, the Ministry must be given the chance for active involvement while dealing with the reintegration and rehabilitation issue of ex-Maoist combatants.

It is a better way to achieve sustainable peace, security and harmony in the country and will mobilize and utilize the existing official sector, resources and approaches of the nation.

Mr. Krishnahari Pushkar writes about social issues, security and conflict management, often in relation to Nepal. An Under Secretary of Government in Nepal, he is well-honored as a Peace, Security and Conflict Management Professional, who contributes regularly to national and international nongovernmental organizations as a peace and conflict management expert.

Source: http://newsblaze.com/story/20100623135945abha.nb/topstory.html

Resolve the Labour Attaché Issue Soon

Resolve the Labour Attaché Issue Soon

By Krishna Hari Pushkar

Labour Attaché’s files are under table of Chief Secretary and CIAA. The appointment and deputation process are somehow postponed. Therefore, the Chief Secretary led team and CIAA must understand the legal (civil service laws & foreign employment laws etc.), professional (Admin/General Admin etc), individual (Particularly about the appointed persons career, prestige and dignity) and national sensitivity (issues of foreign employment, remittances and welfare etc) concerning the quarrel.

In media, our government is always talking about “Impunity”, but what about the impunity that are being performed by particularly government authority and its’ officials? Who is going to look at such impunity control? Intentional disobeying of the legislative and executive provisions are not impunities?

In my view, the Foreign Employment Laws and Civil Service Laws of Nepal give very clear understanding and description about the appointment process, eligibility and decision making process of Labour Attaché, so the both agencies must resolve and take necessary action in accordance with the legal provision of Nepal. The legal provision and lawful executive decisions should not be kept into limbo as considering the issue like contemporary political matters. It could have a very long term negative effect, if such culture continued lengthy.

Also, it is not fair culture to dismiss even the lawful file, if an unhappy group challenge over the acts in particular context due to their vested interest. Government and even the CIIA should consider disobey of Governmental decisions by government officials as an extended impunity. The opposing or delaying activities against the duly appointments are also under the definition of corruption and irregularities in accordance with the anti-corruption and CIAA laws; however, it is unfortunate that CIIA is still seems silent on the issue.

Therefore, I would humbly request to both authorities to take rational and scientific decisions as quick as possible on the issue. According to Civil Service Regulation of Nepal, 2050 (38, 39 &40) the Ministry of Labor and Transport Management must issue the “Ramana” to the appointed officials.

There are also possibilities to go Supreme Court by appointed officials for legal treatment, asking respective authorities to execute the lawful decision, also against the unexpected delay and disturbances. The provisions of civil service laws also point up about the penalization of respective authority and officials in case of irrational causes of unwanted delay in Ramana and Hajiri in assigned destination.

(Attachment: I have also attached herewith an old unedited Nepali written articles that deals with the Labour attaché Issue)

>d ;xrf/Lsf] ljjfb / Joj:yfkg

s[i0fxl/ k':s/ s0f{

e"ldsfM

>d ;xrf/L eGgfn] j}b]lzs /f]huf/ P]g, @)^$ sf] Joj:yf jdf]lhd j}b]lzs /f]huf/df kf+r xhf/ jf ;f] eGbf j9L sfdbf/ k7fOPsf d"n'sdf lgo'lQm ul/Psf] -sDtLdf /fhkqf+lst clws[t_ clwsf/L / ljb]zl:yt s'6g}lts lgof]udf /xg] g]kfnL sfdbf/sf] lxt k|j4{gsf] lhDd]jf/L tf]lsPsf] sd{rf/L j'lemG5 . >d ;xrf/Ln] d"VotM g]kfnL sfdbf/ /x]sf] d'n'ssf] >d tyf /f]huf/sf] l:ylt, cWofudg ;DalGw tYout hfgsf/L tyf To; b]zn] >d tyf cGt/f{li6«o dfgj clwsf/ tyf sfdbf/sf] lxt ;+/If0ffy{ rfn]sf sbdx? ;DaGwL tYout hfgsf/L g]kfn ;/sf/sf] ;DalGwt lgsfonfO{ u/fpg] tyf sfdbf/ cfk"lt{ ug]{ ;DaGwdf ;/sf/L:t/df x'g] ;dembf/Lkq ;DaGwL / sfdbf/sf] sNof0fsf nflu cGo sfo{x? ;Dkfbg ug'{ kg]{ x'G5 . j}b]lzs /f]huf/ P]g, @)^$ sf] bkmf %( df >d ;xrf/Lsf] lgo'lQm tyf lghsf sfd, st{Jo / clwsf/sf] Joj:yf ul/Psf] 5 .

>d ;xrf/Lsf] ljBdfg lgo'lQm k|s[ofM

>d ;xrf/lsf] lgo'lQm k|s[of gof+ k|s[of geO{ o; k"j{ klg sd{rf/Lx? lgo'lQm eO{ dn]lzof, stf/, o'PO{ / ;fpbL c/jdf ;d]t lgo'lQm eO{ sfo{/t /x]s} 5g\ . ctM o;kfln klg k"/fg} k|s[of cg';f/ lghfdtL ;]jf P]g, @)$( / lgodfjnL, @)%) sf] Joj:yf jdf]lhd z'?df ;+u7g tyf Joj:yfkg ;j]{If0f -cf]=P08 Pd= ;j]{_ sf] :jLs[lt kZrft\ k|:tfljt Joj:yf jdf]lhd g} ;fdfGo k|zf;g dGqfnoaf6 g]kfn ;/sf/ dlGqkl/ifb\df b/jGbL >[hgfsf] nflu k|:tfj k]z u/L l:js[t eP kZrft\ ;fdfGo k|zf;g dGqfnoaf6 >d tyf oftfoft Joj:yf dGqfnonfO{ sfof{Gjogsf] nflu n]vL cfPkl5 g]kfn ;/sf/n] :jLs[t u/]sf] k|zf;g ;]jf ;fdfGo k|zf;g ;d"xsf] /fhkqf+lst låtLo >]0fLsf] blIf0f sf]l/of / hfkfg tyf /f=k=t[lto >]0fLsf] xËsË, s'j]t, cf]dfg tyf Oh/fondf sd{rf/Lx?nfO{ lgo'lQm ug]{ k|s[of >d tyf oftfoft Joj:yf dGqfnon] cuf8L j9fP/ k|rlnt j}b]lzs /f]huf/ P]g, @)^$, g]kfn ;/sf/ -sfo{–ljefhg_ lgodfjnL, @)^$Æ, ;'zf;g -Joj:yfkg tyf ;~rfng_ P]g, @)^$, lgodfjnL @)^% tyf lghfdtL ;]jf P]g, lgodfjnLsf] Joj:yf jdf]lhd lgo'lQm u/]sf] xf] .

ljjfbsf] h8M

b/jGbL >[hgfsf] nflu cy{ dGqfnon] :jLs[lt lbg] qmddf ljutsf k|rng gf£b} lghfdtL ;]jf P]g / lgodfjnLsf] Joj:yf tyf g]kfn ;/sf/sf] sfo{ ljefhg lgodfjnLsf] k|lts"n x'g] u/L / >d tyf oftfoft Joj:yf dGqfnosf] sfo{If]qdf x:tIf]k x'g] u/L >d ;xrf/Lsf] of]Uotfsf] pNn]v ub}{ ;xdtL hgfPsf] lyof] . hjls cy{ dGqfnon] ljz'4 ?kn] >d ;xrf/Lsf] nflu cfjZos Jooef/sf] cfly{s ljZn]if0f u/L ;xdlt lbg] jf glbg] sfo{ dfq ug'{ kg]{ xf] . cy{ dGqfnosf] pQm q'6Lk'0f{ lg0f{o cy{dGqLsf] ;xdtL / ;xeflutfdf dGqLkl/ifb\af6 ;RofO{Psf] lyof] . :d/0fLo s'/f s] 5 eg] cy{ dGqfnon] ljZj j}+s h:tf] ;Dj]bgzLn / dxTjk'0f{ lgsfodf clws[t sd{rf/L v6fp+bf s'g} of]Uotf jf cfGtl/s k|lt:kwf{ gu/fO{ olt;Dd xr"jf lsl;dn] slxn] ;x;lrj t slxn] pk;lrj;Dd v6fpg] u/]sf] 5 .

b/jGbL >[hgf ug]{ qmddf k//fi6« dGqfnosf] ;xdlt klg dfluof] txf+af6 blIf0f sf]/Lof / s'j]tsf] ;xdtL klxnf] r/0fdf cfof] / tt\kZrft\ jf+sL rf/j6fsf] cfPg . kl5 s'/f j'em\b} hf+bf lghfdtL ;]jf P]g / lgodfjnLdf ePsf] Joj:yf jdf]lhd b/jGbL >[hgf ug{ k//fi6« dGqfnosf] ;xdlt cfjZos gx'g] ePsf]n] k//fi6« dGqfnon] ;f] k7fpg / >d tyf oftfoft Joj:yf dGqfnon] ;f] lnO{ /xg' cfjZos 7fg]g . sfg"gtM ;fdfGo k|zf;g dGQfnon] cf]=P08 Pd= ;e]{ sf] l:js[t kZrft\ dlGqkl/ifb\df b/jGbL >[hgfsf] k|:tfj n}hf+bf k//fi6« dGqL ;d]tsf] pkl:ylt /x]sf] dlGqkl/ifb\sf] ;j{;xdltn] pQm b/jGbL >[hgf u/]sf] xf] . dlGqkl/ifb\af6 :jLs[t ePsf] hfgsf/L ;fdfGo k|zf;g dGqfnoaf6 >d tyf oftfoft Joj:yf dGqfnodf cfP kZrft\ pQm b/jGbL÷kb lghfdtL lstfjvfgfdf btf{ ;d]t e} ;s]sf]5 .

tt\kZrft\, >d tyf oftfoft Joj:yf dGqfnon] l:js[t b/jGbLdf k|s[ofut 9+un] k|zf;g ;]jf / ;fdfGo k|zf;g ;d"xs} sd{rf/Lx? lgo'lQm ul/ ;s]sf] / tL sd{rf/Lx?sf] ;DalGwt b]zx?df /xg] g]kfnsf] s'6g}lts lgof]udf g} /xL sfdsfh ug'{ kg]{ ePsf]n,] sfg"gtM jfWofTds g/x]klg Jojxf/tM ;fGble{s x'g] sf/0fn] lgo'Qm >d ;xrf/Lsf] ;DaGwdf k//fi6« dGqfno;+u ;xdlt dfu]sf] xf] . of] jfWofTds gePklg >d ;xrf/Lx?sf] sd{rf/L k|zf;g, cfly{s k|zf;g / s'6g}lts k|zf;g sfo{;Dkfbgsf] ;dGjosf/L lgsfo k//fi6« dGqfnonfO{ g} jgfpg] k|rng /x]sf]n] ul/Psf] xf] . t/ k//fi6« dGqfnon] sfg"gL k|s[of gj'em]/ xf] of Toxf+sf clwsf/Lx?n] of] sfg"gL tyf sfo{sf/L lg0f{o g?rfPsf] sf/0fn] Toxf+af6 ljgf ;+sf]r k|bfg ug'{ kg]{ ;xdlt ljleGg axfgfdf /f]lsPsf] xf] . h'g ;Dk"0f{ k|zf;g ;]jf / ;fdfGo k|zf;g ;d"xdf sfo{/t ;j}sf nflu cToGt b'vbfoL / ckdflgt ljifo xf] .

Toxf+sf sd{rf/Lx?n] j'em\g' kg]{ s'/f s] xf] eg] of] ;fj{ef}d ;+;bn] jgfPsf] sfg"gL Joj:yf, j}b]lzs /f]huf/ P]g, @)^$ sf] k|fjwfg, /fHosf] k|d'v sfo{sf/L lgsfo dlGqkl/ifb\sf] lg0f{o cg';f/ lghfdtL ;]jf P]g, @)$( / lgodfjnLsf] k|s[of ckgfO{ ul/Psf] lgo'lQmnfO{ cj}w jf ljjfbdf Nofpg] sxf+;Ddsf] c/fhstf / b08lxgtf xf] <>d tyf oftfoft Joj:yf dGqfno cGtu{tsf] l/Qm b/jGbLdf k//fi6« dGqfnon] lgo'lQm ug{ kfpg] bfjL ug]{ / k//fi6« dGqfno cGtu{tsf] s'6g}lts ;]jfsf] b/jGbLdf >d tyf oftfoft Joj:yf dGqfnon] lgo'lQm ug]{ bfjL ug]{ xf] eg] oL bfjL dfu ug'{ sxf+;Ddsf] x'Nn/jfhL xf]nf <

k//fi6« dGqfnon] k//fi6« ;]jf, k//fi6« ;d"xsf] kbdf /fhb"tfjf;, jfl0fHo b"tfjf;, ;fs{ jf :yfoL lgof]u jf dGqfnodf ;?jf kb:yfkgf jf lgo'lQm ubf{ sd{rf/Lx?nfO{ s'g} ljz]if of]Uotf, k/LIff jf k|s[of k'¥ofpg' gkg]{ t/ k|zf;g ;]jf, ;fdfGo k|zf;g ;d"xsf] b/jGbLdf cGo dGqfnon] ljlwk"j{s lgo'lQm tyf kb:yfkg ubf{ x:tIf]k ug]{ / u}/ sfg"gL eGg] slt ;Ddsf] lgn{Hhtf xf] <

k|zf;g ;]jf ;fdfGo k|zf;g ;d"xsf] sd{rf/L jfl0fHo dGqfnosf] clwsf/ If]qdf h]g]ef jf snsQf k7fp+bf xf];, jf cy{ dGqfnon] jfl;Ë6g l8=;L= k7fp+bf xf]; jf k//fi6« dGqfnon] :jo+ k|zf;gs} sd{rf/L lbNnL k7fp+bf xf]; s]lx cltl/Qm Ifdtf, of]Uotf jf k|s[of k"/f ug'{ gkg]{ t/ >d tyf oftfoft Joj:yf dGqfnosf] cfkm\gf] l:js[t b/jGbLdf sd{rf/L k7fp+bf k//fi6«n] gf}6+sL ug]{ sf/0f s] xf] < :ki6 kfg'{ kg]{ x'G5 <>

ljjfbsf] Joj:yfkgM

lglZrt ?kdf >d ;xrf/Lsf] kb / tf]lsPsf] lhDd]jf/L cToGt ;Dj]bgzLn 5 . o;df lgo'lQm x'g] sd{rf/Ldf s'6g}lts 1fg, ;Lk, bIftf tyf ljifout 1fg cfjZos 5 . ctM lhDd]jf/L jxg ug{ k'j{ lgo'Qm clwsf/Lx?nfO{ ;DalGwt lgsfon] cfjZos tflnd tyf k|lzIf0fsf] Joj:yf ug'{ kb{5 h:t} gjlgo'Qm /fhb'tx?nfO{ ug]{ ul/G5 .

x'gt k|rlnt sfg"g jdf]lhd ;DalGwt ;]jfdf k|j]z ubf{ g} nf]s;]jf cfof]un] cfjZos k|lt:kwf{ u/fO{ 5gf}6 u/L lgo'lQmsf] nflu l;kmfl/z ePkl5 sd{rf/L lgo'lQm x'G5 . / k|j]z u/]sf] ;DalGwt ;]jf ;d"xsf] ;dfg kbdf lgo'lQm, ;?jf jf kb:yfkgf x'+bf slx st} hf+rsf] k|s[of ckgfpg] k|rng g]kfndf g k|zf;g, g k//fi6«, g sfg"g jf cGo ;]jfdf g} 5 . t;y{ ;dfg ;]jf, ;d"xsf] kbdf hfg yk hf+r lbg' kg]{, cltl/Qm of]Uotf k'/f ug'{kg]{ dfu ug'{ slx gePsf] rng g} xf] / of] ljifodf ljjfb ug'{ j'l4dfgL / Goflos b]lvb}g .

ctM k//fi6«sf clwsf/Lx? tyf lhDd]jf/ g]t[Tjn] >d ;xrf/Lsf] lgo'lQm ljz'4 k|zf;lgs ljifo /x]sf] a'emL o;df hfg] clwsf/Lx? lghfdtL sd{rf/L /x]sf]n] of] lgo'lQm k|s[ofnfO{ clt ;fdfGo ?kdf :jLsfg'{ kb{5 . ;a}sf] ;sf/fTds ;xof]un] dfq >d ;xrf/Lsf] e"ldsf / sfo{;Dkfbgsf] k|efjsf/Ltfsf] clej[l4 a9fpb} /fHon] cGt/f{l6«o >d s'6gLlt dfkm{t ljz]if pknJwL xfl;n ug{ ;lsG5 . o;sfnflu Pp6f dGqfnon] cGo dGqfnosf] sfo{If]qdf x:tIf]k ug'{ x'b}g / cGt/dGqfno 4Gbsf] a]nf k|wfgdGqLsf] sfof{non] dWo:ytf ug]{, oL kbx?sf nflu ;flRrs} laz]if of]Uotf cfjZos eP ;DalGwt P]g sfg'gdf g} ;+zf]wg u/L laz]if dfkb08 :jLs[[t u/L lgo'lQmsf] k|s[[of nfu" ug'{ laa]szLn x'G5 .

-n]vs M g]kfn ;/sf/sf pk;lrj x'g'x'G5 . khpushkar@gmail.com _

General Strike: End Political Deadlock of Nepal

By Krishna Hari Pushkar

International Labor Day this year was fouled by a crude general strike in Nepal, which was declared by the opposition Maoist Party. In the beginning, it was seen as a peaceful and disciplined movement. However, it is being unexpectedly longer.

Public patience is running out, poor are forced to live without food, sick people are being barred from treatment. People are not allowed to work. The majority have crises to solve with day-to-day, hand-to-mouth problems. Public movement, economic transactions and transportation are in a state of frost. Human rights and fundamental rights have been kyboshed. General life and its activities are totally stopped. Even humanitarian emergency activities are suspended due to the general strike around the nation.

Everything seems out of order. The public's patience has died and seems uncontent to have this general strike. Generally, people have started the war against the strike both inside and outside of the valley. People came on the road to confront Maoist cadres and its supporters. Peace rallies are also being held across the nation in initiation of various professional and commercial organizations.

The direct and indirect confrontational activities are being more & more violent, so the state has ordered curfews to counter possible causalities in various districts. The numbers of equipped security personnel have heightened to riposte the general strike of Maoist.

The fourth, fifth and sixth day of the general strike were dreadful to observe and accounted for lots of incidents of confrontation between Maoist supporters and others in various valleys and cities across the country. Moreover, the government has also decided to use the army for protection of special areas and places in accordance with comprehensive peace accord. In this regards, the representatives of ruling political parties and opposition Maoist leaders have held series of dialogues in luxurious hotels to end the political deadlocks; however results of the efforts were not found until now.

The diplomatic and international community have also put huge pressure and interventional efforts on both government and Maoists. India and China have already expressed and used their open concerns and diplomatic therapy against the ongoing deadly political situation. The UN, US and EU are continuing their special efforts to address the standstill. They are keeping up continuous pressure on both parties to find quick common ground for political consensus. However, these efforts have not yet been effective.

Consequently, the length of the general strike is being increased while at the same time, the state of topsy-turvydom is adding up out of the blue. There are dual interpretations of the ongoing general strike. Maoists explain it is held to achieve the motto of the comprehensive peace accord, to obtain a new constitution within deadlines and to constitute legitimate multi party consensus government under the prime ministership of Maoist leader Mr. Prachanda. The second viewpoint is that the government and its ruling coalition claims that the general strike is unethical, undemocratic and unconstitutional. They contend it is just being held to change the prime minister, and ruling leaders claim the hidden goal of the strike is to just establish Maoist party's' chairman Mr. Puspa Kamal Dahal aka Prachanda as prime minister of Nepal, and the party as a major pillar of government.

The ruling party also accuse Maoists of wanting to put the nation into chaos and plotting to boot out the exiting democratic forces from political mainstream. They want to capture overall state functions and functionaries into captivity with muscle, and integrate its former political combatants into state's defense and security mechanism without following the national and international rules and standards.

Furthermore, democratic forces blame Maoists of acting beyond the constitution and rules of law. Government blames the opposition Maoist party as neither respecting the constitutional provisions nor paying honest attention towards the comprehensive peace accord. Hence, the practices and performances of constitutional assembly have become totally defunct and the execution of comprehensive peace accord is paralyzed. Simply stated, currently the overall state affair e.g. constitution assembly, cabinet, peace process etc, are out of whack and jeopardized.

Before beginning, and after enforcement of the ongoing general strikes, there have been series of meetings and dialogues between Maoist parties and representatives of ruling parties to win common ground for political consensus. However, both parties have not yet found any common grounds, which is an opprobrious and clear proof of their incapability. It has openly proved the deficits of the involved politicians.

Maoists believe that power is taken, not given anywhere in the world, so, they will take power and acquire all their demands. Ruling parties say that this viewpoint will only happen in their dreams. The government and its coalition parties won't compromise at all in the legitimate constitutional process.

The road is not a way to remove the prime minister, and the existing prime minister will not resign at all till he is removed through due constitutional process. Hence, the state of differences seems enormous between the parties. It is rib-tickling to imagine both parties sitting to talk and looking for gentle negotiation without compromising their slanted need and demand.

Strategically, the ruling parties have requested Maoists to come through constitutional assembly, if they seek to change the government, rather than general strike or other means that may be painful to people. The Government has also repeatedly requested them to fulfill at least the minimum degree of former commitments before getting the resignation of Prime Minister Mr. Nepal. Minimum commitments include transforming the young communist league (YCL) from paramilitary force to democratic student wings or its desolation, suitable integration and management of ex-Maoist combatants, giving back of seized and captured properties to its true owners without any condition and fully free and transform the Maoist party from militant or paramilitary groups into civil parties. In addition, ruling parties are also asking to stop force donation culture, devastation of parallel government system, stop criminal activities and all activities that are against the norms of democracy and rule of law.

Surprisingly, beside the series of meetings and dialogues there have been no progresses at all. Of course, the Maoists and the government both have plenty of weaknesses, and both parties are not able to honestly enforce the previous commitments and agreed issues in accordance with national need and corresponding political roadmap.

The first series of five dialogues and meetings failed because of the autarchy nature and anarchical characteristics of the confronting parties and its leaders. Both of the parties are putting forward their logic while ignoring the sensitivity of political deadlocks. Both parties are not found serious enough about public and national interests. Neither of the leaders have been able to achieve peace or a constitution in due time.

So, representatives of both teams are not found technically sound. In public eyes, both groups are crazy to capture the cabinet, but they do not foresee the impacts of the ongoing political chaos. Therefore, both parties must rethink and reorganize their representatives, and strategic ways for peaceful dialogue, putting the people and national interest into center-focus. They must come above its political and individual selfishness respecting the mandate of general people's movement, sprit of constitutional assembly and comprehensive peace accord.

Specially, to get true success of peaceful dialogue, the negotiation team must take authorized consent from the respective parties, mentioning clearly about the degree of flexibility along with efficient roadmap, which may able to bring the parties into easy consensus. There are also difficulties and conflict of interest among inter-intra parties and leaders, so, the governments' representatives must participate as valued observers during the pre-ongoing and post dialogue phases to resolve the crisis constructively. Equally, the dialogue team must be inclusive and should incorporate the representation of all parliamentarian forces with new ideas and approaches, otherwise out-dated models and traditional political leaders will not be able to reach a peaceful destination as expected by general public of Nepal.

Both parties must be liberal and compromise in political consensus. Specially, it is important to execute first the previous agreements and commitments duly. Both government and opposition should stop ignoring previous commitments and agreements.

All political parties should practice the philosophy of constitutionalism and rule of law until it works. They must sit together in parliament/ or constitution assembly for necessary dialogues and systematic negotiation. Both parties may also use the system of high-level political mechanism for the purpose. They should also include more, or invite other relevant leading leaders from the respective parties, government and independent personalities from civil society and others necessary groups.

Politicians must understand the needs and interests of the nation and its people, otherwise anarchic and autocratic politicians and parties will gradually collapse as happened in past regimes. Nepalese people want long-lasting freedoms from all types of political confrontation and conflicts. Nepalese are peace-loving people and want to see peace, peace and more peace, so all should stop all types of violence, strikes and political confrontations from their political paths and strategies.

Source

Politics on Peace and Constitution in Nepal

By Krishnahari Pushkar

Nepal's much awaited highlevel political mechanism (HPM) finally has constituted, but there is much confusion. It is viewed differently in the national and international arena. Some political pundits look at the mechanism as an important milestone while others see a strategic conspiracy. Major national and internationally stakeholders including the UN conditionally and carefully welcomed the new mechanism, with the hope and belief it will lead to positive outcomes.

Interestingly, the voices of favor and dissent in HPM began on the day of its establishment. Senior leaders from some parties are against the mechanism and see it as a serious conspiracy.

Many people say they do not understand this dramatic development of how the political parties and leaders came so easily to join together on this political mechanism without compromising and building consensus over the conflicting political agendas.

The important issue is that HPM is neither politically-democratically approved, nor is there a clear working strategy. So people are curious to know how such a mechanism will cope with the existing paradoxical scenario where the ruling and opposition parties are being confronted and endlessly conducting political marathons against each other. Frankly speaking, the ruling and opposition parties are not on the right track. All are focused on power-games rather than contributing towards the logical end of the peace process and building the constitution for New Nepal.

The parties and their leaders have forgotten their principal mandates, and they have deviated from the path they committed to. Specifically, peace building through successful implementation of a comprehensive peace accord (CPA) and restructuring the state through constitution building should be the principal goals of the national polity. However, both issues are in limbo and have become matters of lower priority.

I believe what is needed is a clear and visionary roadmap, using HPM, with really positive goals and objectives working towards the peace process and constitution building. Otherwise, it will be understood publicly as a continuation of a strategic conspiracy culture against the existing coalition government.

The mechanism should able to expose clearly how they will handle the issue of Maoist version of civil supremacy, madhesi and other ethnic version of inclusion and federalism, the confused and misguided version of PLA integration and many more contemporary issues that have become issues of mutual face-offs among the parties. In addition, HPM should describe the agreed structure of the cabinet and how they work to address the national agenda and priority.

These are really crucial questions for all Nepalese as well as concerned institutions and agencies, so it must be clarified beforehand to see the HPM as a part of positive effort and commitment for the peace process and constitution building.

Experts illustrate that peace process and constitution writing will not be successes until Nepal gets a multi party coalition government and common political consensus on the aforementioned issues. The peace process and constitution writing may be further paralyzed if even a single political actor is ignored or excluded from both the peace and constitution building processes. Therefore, all parties and political forces should be given equal importance and treated democratically in a rational manner.

In plain view, the peace process should reach almost a logical destination once the cantonment based former Maoist guerrillas are successfully managed in accordance with the letter and spirit of the CPA and Interim Constitution of Nepal (ICN).

The ruling party and opposition both are avoiding the major issues by using various crosscutting power-politics, and switching day by day the public commitments. In addition, in the name of democracy and politics, all of the Nepalese political parties are acting beyond political ethics. The general Public are irritated and fed up with Nepalese political culture, the smaller and bigger all parties believe that criminalized politics, militarized activities and roughshod impunity are the ways to oppose the government while they live in the opposition room.

Nowadays, no political parties look at legacy, legitimacy, rationality, relevancy and utility of their political activities, rather they have a blind desire to capturing the cabinet. In such context, how can Nepalese people expect positive value from HPM without experiencing the forthcoming impacts into practice? The people are in confusion. The HPM has created a huge illusion among the stakeholders of the Nepalese peace and constitution building process.

The international community, specially the UN believe that HPM is a product of continuous efforts of United Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) and also the UN Secretary General Mr. Ban Ki Moon, but it is just a misconception. It is because the HPM was not constituted in accordance with the spirit of diplomatic efforts, peace accord and constitutional provision.

It is sad to say, in many ways, the UNMIN is a failed mission, not able to achieve its even minimum assigned tasks and responsibilities.

It has not done much except to have a nominal role in technical affairs of cantonment management, verification, political marketing and to pay just limited diplomatic courtesy. The UNMIN is observed as an ambiguous agency that raises the situation of confrontation among the major political parties.

One can ask why does the UNMIN still stand, given such failure and low performance? Experts say it is only to respect the UN resolution and to maintain the relationship with UN for future support and continuation of ongoing development process and post conflict affairs of Nepal.

The UNMIN is seen by opposition political parties in Nepal, as a pro-Maoist institution, however, this is not completely true, even though politicians blame it for being so. The UNMIN became unpopular due to weak diplomacy of its managers; most of them have been unable to even deliver proper diplomatic output and failed to maintain the minimum diplomatic code of conduct. Most of the UNMIN officials poorly manage their assigned roles and dutiess in the peace and conflict affairs of Nepal.

They are unable to manage effectively even the cantonment, verification process etc and to deliver diplomatic pressure on respective politicians to enforce CPA efficiently, duties assigned by UN resolutions.

The Politicians are polarized on UNMIM performance, some of the politicians have strong affection and some of them are alienated, so the public are under serous confusion to identify who is right and who is wrong. The reality is that UNMIN failed to maintain balanced relationsips and deliver impartiality, neutrality and diplomatic capabilities. That being the case, the HPM must unite and make necessary common consensus to deal with UNMIN. The HPM needs to exploit the positive features of UNMIN systematically, that could be helpful to facilitate the ongoing peace process to a logical end.

Nepal has a history of the sorriest experiences of constitutional instability, changing its constitution so often. The HPM must succeed, to include the needed characteristics in the new constitution to make it more sustainable, visionary, reliable, and people and nation centric.

The HPM must learn from the countries where the constitution functions well over decades, especially from the US, Canada, Australia, India, France, Switzerland. Those constitutions have nice characteristics, are well established and considered good constitutions by their people and the world.

Among these constitutions, we found some common similarities; holding enough public legitimacy, having greater public and political trust and respect, addressing the greater degree of domestic and international affairs. The constitutions are also successes in transforming diversity into pluralism, addressing the need and desire of excluded, marginalized and deprived groups and societies of the nation, delivering good governance, making rational redistribution and maintaining social justice.

The assurances of public rights and high level of liberties is a common feature among them; they also guarantee civil supremacy, good governance, constitutionalism and rule of law. However, the meaning, definition and understanding of the discussed characteristics may be differed in each country and context. In addition, the constitutions are capable enough to deal with the possible peace building, conflict management and to handle the contemporary issues of the respective nations.

The rational flexibility of the constitutions allow them to respond to unexpected matters and future affairs of the nation. These constitutions are considered very homely and nationalistic, and developed in accordance with the need and importance of the nation. They mention international dignity and cope with international diplomacy by leading their images in the international arena. Indeed, providing good national security and maintaining national unity and integration is also a principal strength of these constitutions.

One of the most essential strength of the constitutions is that states are efficiently and significantly providing all basic and common goods, services and opportunity to the people without disorder and discrimination. The scientific provisions of justified power sharing, constitutional provisions to respect the majorities and preservation of minorities on the basis of equality and equity are additional strengths.

The justified social inclusion and scientific representation provisions are major, to provide the opportunity for national mainstreaming. The constitutions have assured discrimination free society and necessary legal arrangements against any disqualification of people's life and governance.

In short, these constitutions have capabilities to bring and maintain peace and harmony in the nation. The exemplified constitutions are well capable to manage conflicts in efficient ways; proved capable to keep their people and nation happy, healthy, and prosperous. The constitutions are capable of providing solutions of the majority of national sociopolitical issues.

The ruling and oppositions parties pay equal respect to the constitution. It does not a matter whether the countries are practicing capitalism, socialism, or a mix of governance or adopt unitary, federalism, confederation or any other type of government or governance. The illustrated constitutions provide different types of approaches for governances or government, but all are considered successful to a greater extent because they have been delivering and bearing those characteristics lucratively in a systematic and scientific manner.

Generally, every constitution should be capable of keeping their nation and people more happy, healthy and prosperous, which are considered major characteristics of a sustainable constitution. Therefore, the HPM must be careful and capable to include those essential characteristics in the upcoming constitution of Nepal, if they are committed to making the new constitution sustainable and successful, otherwise unpredictable forces will go in revolt and start fighting for new constitution as happened in the past.

In this regard, the HPM has many challenges and opportunities ahead with huge possibilities of successes, if they act honestly, jointly and continuously in accordance with the people's mandate and spirit of the Interim Constitution of Nepal, by keeping the national interest and people's wishes at teh forefront as a guiding principle of their duties and responsibilities. It seems the principal conditions for HPM are to unite all active parties and politicians to get common political consensus from inside and outside of the power-gameboard to deal with the issue of the peace and constitution building process.

They must achieve national consensus and an all parties coalition government to ensure the logical end of CPA and to achieve the successful and sustainable constitution in due time. The HPM must concentrate on common national agenda and priority rather than focusing on changing the particular parties or leader from the Government.

So I wish Good Luck to the HPM!

(Mr. Krishnahari Pushkar writes about social issues, security and conflict management, often in relation to Nepal. An Under Secretary of Government in Nepal, he is well honored as a Peace, Security and Conflict Management Professional, who contributes regularly to national and international nongovernmental organizations as a peace and conflict management expert.)

Source: http://newsblaze.com/story/20100111132807abha.nb/topstory.html

Nepal: Disappearing Security in Occlusion

Nepal: Fully responsible and accountable governance and government, both are the essential conditions to a successful security system. The national security leaders as well as high ranking officials must work hard to resolve the security lapses problem properly, otherwise they should quite immediately from their public posts in ethical and moral ground.

Please see detail,

http://www.opednews.com/articles/Nepal-Disappearing-Securi-by-Krishna-Hari-Pushk-100110-734.html

Monday, January 11, 2010
Nepal: Disappearing Security in Occlusion
Nepal: Fully responsible and accountable governance and government, both are the essential conditions to a successful security system. The national security leaders as well as high ranking officials must work hard to resolve the security lapses problem properly, otherwise they should quite immediately from their public posts in ethical and moral ground.

Friday, December 25, 2009
Security Sector Reform in Nepal:With reference to UNSCR 1325
The United Nation Security Council Resolution 1325 and Security Sector Reform is significantly relevance to each other. So, the meaningful incorporation of 1325 into national security and defense mechanism of Nepal may only bring expected impact in favor of women during conflict or post conflict situation as expected by UNSCR 1325.

Tuesday, December 15, 2009
Nepal:National Security System is under Threat
It is urgent need for Government of Nepal to find out immediately that how did NIDN's secret reports become public besides its sophisticated secret proceedings system. Please find out who is guilty and where is the fractures in our system?

Saturday, December 12, 2009
Nepal: Polity for Peace
The article deals with the political dilemmas of ongoing peace and constitution building process of Nepal and it provides possible ways out of the topsy-turvydom. It highlights the contemporary affairs of Nepalese political culture. Specially, it prescribes the proficient ways to end all types of political impunity, undemocratic practices, and finally discuss the ways to bring out the off-track politics into peoples' platform.

Monday, November 2, 2009
Nepal's Dual Citizenship: A Suicidal Decision?
Dual Napalese Citizenship will be a big threat to democracy, sovereignty, integration and harmony as well as to society too. Such a policy could push our nation towards serious problem, if the government introduces the policy without analyzing the potential impact. Therefore, the government should have an open referendum before approving the policy.

Sunday, November 1, 2009
Asking for a Rethink on US Immigration Diplomacy
The US must introduce and practice universally approved norms of immigration diplomacy that will help to know and identify the right of people in right manner. In the name of security the US should not boost the number of enemies.

Wednesday, October 28, 2009
Nepal's Tumbling Peace
It is unfortunate that some vested politicians' declares that re-insurgency or re-warfare is held in search of peace, however it has proved blunder to impel for “Breach Peace for Peace”.

Wednesday, October 7, 2009
Nepal's Special Security Plan: Political Stunt?
Nepal is a one of the most leading domicile of many ethno-political insurgents. Since longtime, the country has lost its normalcy of law and order, good governance, civil supremacy, and democratic practices due to fast growing ratio of institutional and private criminal and their rebellion activities. Sadly, the country is terrorized and under control of ochlocracy.

Monday, August 10, 2009
Diplomacy for Visa Lust?
The radical visa strategy which is imposed by the developed world over the developing countries helps spread conflict, discrimination, exploitation, segregation, terrorism, and also swells the gaps between the poor and rich world. It denies human rights and lessens the dignity, development and sovereignty of people.

Monday, December 8, 2008
Security
(2 comments) The developed nations must help developing countries to improve and enforce a better meaning and practice of efficient and effective security systems to cope with their emerging challenges.

Monday, November 3, 2008
Nepal: Non-Madhesis Occupied Madhesi Quota: An Open Challenge to Constitution
The concerned parties and affiliated authorities should be careful and need to work immediately on this issue; otherwise it could add another tension over the Madhes conflict.

Tuesday, September 23, 2008
Empower Home Administration in Nepal
Nepal is suffering with lawlessness, and even our Government presence is in crisis in entire rural areas. Therefore, immediate empowerment of Home Affairs through restructure, reengineering, and betterment in legal, structural, financial, physical, personnel, academic, and development areas are most essential.

Friday, September 12, 2008
Conflict Sensitive Strategy in Nepal
Nepal Government should immediately impose a rule or directive to adopt the conflict sensitive strategy into practice in entire development or possible administrative sectors of Nepal.

Saturday, August 30, 2008
The Prejudiced Nepalese Media and Anti-Khas Madhesis
(2 comments) The nationalization and mainstreaming of Hindi in Nepal is not well received among Nepalese citizens due to neocolonial grand design of India. Madhesis will not agree to lose their mother tongue and promote or accept Hindi as a means of common language of communication in Madhes region at any cost.

Sunday, July 13, 2008
Communalism Is Superior to Nationalism
Nepal Minister of Home Affairs: Communalism is superior to, and influences insurgency more than, nationalism. The higher degree or intensive influences of communalism are dangerous to sustainable peace and security. It can adversely affect social harmony in pluralistic society. But communalism can be managed by adequately addressing economic discrimination and political exclusion, and by preserving ethnic heritages.

Thursday, December 20, 2007
Seeds of Ethno-Civil War in Terai
There are many issues of concern in contemporary Nepali politics, including the stalled peace process. A new twist is visible now with the resignation of some Madhesi lawmakers. Some say that the senior leaders of seven-party alliance must be blamed for pushing Madheshi ethno political movement one-step forward to the separation of Nepal or the formation of a new nation in the South Asian periphery.

Tuesday, December 18, 2007
Guerrilla's Merger into Army? : Unfortunate!
It is about Nepal concerning the Guerrilla's Merger into Army issue. It is very research based strategic article with suitable solution, so it is very significant and worthy.