Reintegration of Former Combatants

Ministry of Labour Needs To Be Involved in Reintegration of Former Combatants

By Krishna Hari Pushkar

The reintegration issue of ex-Maoist combatants has become one of the most confrontational issues of the ongoing Nepal peace process.

The ongoing Nepalese Peace Process (PP) has been virtually shelved. The basic deadline for constitution building has been ended with no result. The Peace Process is simply being destroyed due to the consensual derivatives between the Maoists and Nepal Government on reintegration issues.

Both parties have agreed to integrate the former Maoist guerrillas into the Nepalese security system but have always been undecided about the number of guerrillas. The United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) is supposed to provide technical support in the peace process; however the role of UNMIN has not been very useful in this regard.

Surprisingly, the Internal and external stakeholders of the Nepalese Peace Process have remained silent on the turmoil. For this reason, the bilateral-multilateral confrontation on reintegration affairs has become one of the major hurdles in achieving sustainable peace through an agreed-upon comprehensive peace accord.

Both parties are sticking to the stance to forcefully push the ex-combatants into security forces ignoring the choice, voice and rights of the ex-Maoist guerrillas. Despite the huge scope, and the role and sources of the ministry, it is being completely undermined by so called peace leaders and their teams handling the issues.

According to the Government of Nepal's Work Division Regulation 2064, the Ministry of Labour and Transport Management has important and relevant responsibilities that include internal and external labour and employment affairs, social safety nets and security, vocational trainings, HRD/man power development and etc. Thus the assigned responsibilities and authority of the Ministry could be incredibly helpful to manage or reintegrate thousands of intended people or ex-Maoist combatants through direct/indirect, internal and external mechanisms of the ministry.

Frankly, the ministry is quite able to provide opportunities for internal and external employment, skill oriented vocational trainings, and many other courses and opportunities for reintegration and rehabilitation of former guerrillas.

Although, the role and potential resources of the Ministry has been forgotten while discussing the reintegration and rehabilitation issue of ex-combatants; it has been never been discussed or put forward by the Ministry itself/ the government nor by the Maoist party.

According to a survey report, the majority of cantonment-based Maoist guerrillas are considering their choices to go for other alternatives rather to enter into army. Also, both parties have realized that accommodating all (approximately 19,000) former guerrillas in the army is not possible, they all are still insisting and only sticking with employing them in the army sector.

It is not just a matter of realization of facts but also beyond the national need and capacity. It has been also observed that there are hundreds of ex-Maoist combatants who are not eligible (old, children, disabled, ill-sick etc.) to meet the minimum eligibility and condition to enter in national security system, so again, there are good alternatives to assigning the job to the labour ministry.

The top brass of government, ruling political parties, Maoists, and the technical committee, have all stopped moving forward on reintegration issues--including the previously constituted high-level political mechanism (HLPM).

Still dismissing the truth, both conflicting parties are digging ways either to integrate them into the army or in other national security systems leaving the other better options of rehabilitation and reintegration through the Ministry of Labour.

In accordance with eligibility and the rights, voices and choices of the former Maoist Guerrillas, the Ministry may create many options and modules of reintegration and rehabilitation, such as:

A. Choices to go in foreign employment in more than one hundred thirty destinations, under more than two hundred varieties of technical and non technical jobs.

B. Choices to settle into domestic employment. The ministry can easily help to develop preferential employment packages for the ex-combatants by developing strategic policy, programs and functional coordination of industrialists, private sector and trade union institutions.

C. The Ministry has capabilities to provide skill based short-term and long-term vocational trainings on a need basis that may help ex-combatants, whether they choose domestic and international jobs or prefer self-employment.

D. The ministry has enriched funding capabilities for pre to post employment phases and can introduce chain welfare investments for the potential candidates among the ex-combatant Maoist guerrillas.

E. In addition, the ministry have many contingency possibilities to rehabilitate ex-Maoist combatants through social safety net programs and also could include them into jobs such as in the transport management sector. However the government as well other related stakeholders must be careful to consider the integrated community-based reintegration approach rather than the ex-combatant based targeted approach of reintegration. The worlds experience has proved that most DDR programs have failed because the community and relevant stakeholders were ignored in pre to post phases of the entire process.

Therefore, the Ministry could be a principle means to deal and resolve the ongoing dilemmas of the peace process on the reintegration and rehabilitation issue of ex-Maoist combatants since it has a strong, and broader nationwide network and many collaborations with the respective community as well as to the stakeholders. Sometimes, it is judicious to resolve the problem from outside the horizon, especially if the given framework is unable to resolve the problem or adding more and more difficulties in the name of searching for solutions within a limited framework.

Furthermore, it has been observed through a survey report that they will be happier to jump inside the explored options of the Ministry. The illustrated options are financially, technically and legally viable and can also be quickly implemented to address the reintegration and rehabilitation crisis of cantonment-based guerillas, as well as for those deviated combatants who are running in search of socioeconomic reintegration and rehabilitation.

Except for the Maoist party, most of the stakeholders in the peace process want to minimize the number as much as possible of ex-combatants to integrate into the Nepal Army or any other national security system. Because the existing Maoist guerrillas neither meet any professional standard and norms of "State Security" nor is this possible after the merger as international factors and recognition are important for the state security system.

Secondly, Maoist Guerrillas are obvious political extremists, biased and infected with extreme Maoism and prachnadpath, and naturally deviate towards a specific political ideology of its party. Thirdly, similar questions might emerge when another existing insurgent group asks for a similar type of reintegration.

There are more than two dozen other rebellion groups who have also been fighting against the State in various parts of Nepal. It is my observation that the political reintegration model of the Nepalese peace process (accepting Maoists as lawmakers, giving enough places in parliament and directly appointing them into various senior policy level posts in the name of political integration) has become one of the major motivational factors for existing ethno-regional insurgent groups who have started fighting with a hope that they will also get chances to be member of parliaments or some other appointment while they enter in the peace process like the Maoist rebellion.

Of course, the nature and composition of existing insurgent groups are also similar to Maoist guerrillas, and some would say a majority are the splinter groups of Maoists--so what do we do in the future if such things are repeated? Other rebels could also ask for a similar model of political reintegration and also mass entry into the state security system as Maoists are claiming now, so can we really afford it?

Lastly, the existing performances and activities of Maoist guerrillas are still in a rebellious line; they are not even trying to stay in normality nor do they believe in peaceful political democratic philosophy, even after entering in the peace process under the supervision of UNMIN. Therefore it is difficult to stick on a path that pushes entire reintegration with the whole country in chaos.

Therefore, it is clever for all peace process stakeholders to explore the Ministry of Labour and Transport Management as efficient options/alternatives for the reintegration and rehabilitation issue of Ex-Maoist Combatants. This option will bring plenty of benefits including resolving the political deadlock, and will be helpful to drive the entire peace process to its logical end, assisting to harmonize and socialize the ex-combatants in strategic manner.

One of the principle products of the approach is to help and restore the constitution building process in a timely and efficient manner. Additionally, this approach will also minimize the general and technical complexities of reintegration and rehabilitation of cantonment-based guerillas.

Of course, the described way, via the ministry, will increase and add additional value on the success of the ongoing process, and its productivity towards the similar concept and manner of DDR, SSR and RRR (which are crucial and indispensable in a post conflict scenario). Hence, the Ministry must be given the chance for active involvement while dealing with the reintegration and rehabilitation issue of ex-Maoist combatants.

It is a better way to achieve sustainable peace, security and harmony in the country and will mobilize and utilize the existing official sector, resources and approaches of the nation.

Mr. Krishnahari Pushkar writes about social issues, security and conflict management, often in relation to Nepal. An Under Secretary of Government in Nepal, he is well-honored as a Peace, Security and Conflict Management Professional, who contributes regularly to national and international nongovernmental organizations as a peace and conflict management expert.

Source: http://newsblaze.com/story/20100623135945abha.nb/topstory.html

General Strike: End Political Deadlock of Nepal

By Krishna Hari Pushkar

International Labor Day this year was fouled by a crude general strike in Nepal, which was declared by the opposition Maoist Party. In the beginning, it was seen as a peaceful and disciplined movement. However, it is being unexpectedly longer.

Public patience is running out, poor are forced to live without food, sick people are being barred from treatment. People are not allowed to work. The majority have crises to solve with day-to-day, hand-to-mouth problems. Public movement, economic transactions and transportation are in a state of frost. Human rights and fundamental rights have been kyboshed. General life and its activities are totally stopped. Even humanitarian emergency activities are suspended due to the general strike around the nation.

Everything seems out of order. The public's patience has died and seems uncontent to have this general strike. Generally, people have started the war against the strike both inside and outside of the valley. People came on the road to confront Maoist cadres and its supporters. Peace rallies are also being held across the nation in initiation of various professional and commercial organizations.

The direct and indirect confrontational activities are being more & more violent, so the state has ordered curfews to counter possible causalities in various districts. The numbers of equipped security personnel have heightened to riposte the general strike of Maoist.

The fourth, fifth and sixth day of the general strike were dreadful to observe and accounted for lots of incidents of confrontation between Maoist supporters and others in various valleys and cities across the country. Moreover, the government has also decided to use the army for protection of special areas and places in accordance with comprehensive peace accord. In this regards, the representatives of ruling political parties and opposition Maoist leaders have held series of dialogues in luxurious hotels to end the political deadlocks; however results of the efforts were not found until now.

The diplomatic and international community have also put huge pressure and interventional efforts on both government and Maoists. India and China have already expressed and used their open concerns and diplomatic therapy against the ongoing deadly political situation. The UN, US and EU are continuing their special efforts to address the standstill. They are keeping up continuous pressure on both parties to find quick common ground for political consensus. However, these efforts have not yet been effective.

Consequently, the length of the general strike is being increased while at the same time, the state of topsy-turvydom is adding up out of the blue. There are dual interpretations of the ongoing general strike. Maoists explain it is held to achieve the motto of the comprehensive peace accord, to obtain a new constitution within deadlines and to constitute legitimate multi party consensus government under the prime ministership of Maoist leader Mr. Prachanda. The second viewpoint is that the government and its ruling coalition claims that the general strike is unethical, undemocratic and unconstitutional. They contend it is just being held to change the prime minister, and ruling leaders claim the hidden goal of the strike is to just establish Maoist party's' chairman Mr. Puspa Kamal Dahal aka Prachanda as prime minister of Nepal, and the party as a major pillar of government.

The ruling party also accuse Maoists of wanting to put the nation into chaos and plotting to boot out the exiting democratic forces from political mainstream. They want to capture overall state functions and functionaries into captivity with muscle, and integrate its former political combatants into state's defense and security mechanism without following the national and international rules and standards.

Furthermore, democratic forces blame Maoists of acting beyond the constitution and rules of law. Government blames the opposition Maoist party as neither respecting the constitutional provisions nor paying honest attention towards the comprehensive peace accord. Hence, the practices and performances of constitutional assembly have become totally defunct and the execution of comprehensive peace accord is paralyzed. Simply stated, currently the overall state affair e.g. constitution assembly, cabinet, peace process etc, are out of whack and jeopardized.

Before beginning, and after enforcement of the ongoing general strikes, there have been series of meetings and dialogues between Maoist parties and representatives of ruling parties to win common ground for political consensus. However, both parties have not yet found any common grounds, which is an opprobrious and clear proof of their incapability. It has openly proved the deficits of the involved politicians.

Maoists believe that power is taken, not given anywhere in the world, so, they will take power and acquire all their demands. Ruling parties say that this viewpoint will only happen in their dreams. The government and its coalition parties won't compromise at all in the legitimate constitutional process.

The road is not a way to remove the prime minister, and the existing prime minister will not resign at all till he is removed through due constitutional process. Hence, the state of differences seems enormous between the parties. It is rib-tickling to imagine both parties sitting to talk and looking for gentle negotiation without compromising their slanted need and demand.

Strategically, the ruling parties have requested Maoists to come through constitutional assembly, if they seek to change the government, rather than general strike or other means that may be painful to people. The Government has also repeatedly requested them to fulfill at least the minimum degree of former commitments before getting the resignation of Prime Minister Mr. Nepal. Minimum commitments include transforming the young communist league (YCL) from paramilitary force to democratic student wings or its desolation, suitable integration and management of ex-Maoist combatants, giving back of seized and captured properties to its true owners without any condition and fully free and transform the Maoist party from militant or paramilitary groups into civil parties. In addition, ruling parties are also asking to stop force donation culture, devastation of parallel government system, stop criminal activities and all activities that are against the norms of democracy and rule of law.

Surprisingly, beside the series of meetings and dialogues there have been no progresses at all. Of course, the Maoists and the government both have plenty of weaknesses, and both parties are not able to honestly enforce the previous commitments and agreed issues in accordance with national need and corresponding political roadmap.

The first series of five dialogues and meetings failed because of the autarchy nature and anarchical characteristics of the confronting parties and its leaders. Both of the parties are putting forward their logic while ignoring the sensitivity of political deadlocks. Both parties are not found serious enough about public and national interests. Neither of the leaders have been able to achieve peace or a constitution in due time.

So, representatives of both teams are not found technically sound. In public eyes, both groups are crazy to capture the cabinet, but they do not foresee the impacts of the ongoing political chaos. Therefore, both parties must rethink and reorganize their representatives, and strategic ways for peaceful dialogue, putting the people and national interest into center-focus. They must come above its political and individual selfishness respecting the mandate of general people's movement, sprit of constitutional assembly and comprehensive peace accord.

Specially, to get true success of peaceful dialogue, the negotiation team must take authorized consent from the respective parties, mentioning clearly about the degree of flexibility along with efficient roadmap, which may able to bring the parties into easy consensus. There are also difficulties and conflict of interest among inter-intra parties and leaders, so, the governments' representatives must participate as valued observers during the pre-ongoing and post dialogue phases to resolve the crisis constructively. Equally, the dialogue team must be inclusive and should incorporate the representation of all parliamentarian forces with new ideas and approaches, otherwise out-dated models and traditional political leaders will not be able to reach a peaceful destination as expected by general public of Nepal.

Both parties must be liberal and compromise in political consensus. Specially, it is important to execute first the previous agreements and commitments duly. Both government and opposition should stop ignoring previous commitments and agreements.

All political parties should practice the philosophy of constitutionalism and rule of law until it works. They must sit together in parliament/ or constitution assembly for necessary dialogues and systematic negotiation. Both parties may also use the system of high-level political mechanism for the purpose. They should also include more, or invite other relevant leading leaders from the respective parties, government and independent personalities from civil society and others necessary groups.

Politicians must understand the needs and interests of the nation and its people, otherwise anarchic and autocratic politicians and parties will gradually collapse as happened in past regimes. Nepalese people want long-lasting freedoms from all types of political confrontation and conflicts. Nepalese are peace-loving people and want to see peace, peace and more peace, so all should stop all types of violence, strikes and political confrontations from their political paths and strategies.

Source

Issues of Marginalized Community in Peace Management

Issues of Marginalized Community in Peace Management

zflGt Joj:yfkgdf ;LdfGtLs[t ju{sf d'2fx?

s[i0fxl/ k'is/ s0f{

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Gf]kfndf ;LdfGts[t sf] x'g eg]/ ;f]Wbf, o;sf] 7f]; / :ki6?kdf slx st} sfg'gL / j}w pQ/ kfOb}g . tyflk ;LdfGts[t eGgfn] To:tf] ;d'xnfO{ a'lemG5 h'g /fHosf] d"nk|jfxaf6 lgs} k/ x'G5 . To:tf ;d"xx? jlGrlts/0fdf k/]sf jf kfl/Psf x'G5g / cg]sf} ;fdflhs, cfly{s, ;f:s[lts ;d:ofx?n] lkl8t / zf]lift x'G5g\ . oL ;d'xx? Gofof]lrt?kdf klxrfg, kx'Fr, k|ltlglwTj, :jfldTj, ;xeflutf / ;j{flË0f ljsf;sf cj;/x?af6 jflGrtLdf k/]sf jf kfl/Psf x'G5g . o:tf ;d"xx?sf] kl/efiff / ;'r+sfÍ ;fk]lIft x'g] tyf lglZrt ;do / cj:yfdf cf–cfkm\gf /fi6«sf] cj:yfg';f/ kl/jt{gd'vL x'G5g\ . g]kfnsf] kl/k|]Ifdf ;LdfGts[t ju{df vf; u/]/ clt ul/j, ;'s'Djf;L, cNk;+Vos ;d'bfox?, lkl5l8Psf ju{, dlxnf, ckfË, blntx?, nf]kf]Gd'v ljleGg cflbjf;L hghftLx? / oL leqsf klg sdhf]/ ju{ / cfly{s ;fdflhs ?kn] k5fl8 k/]sf, cfwf/e't cfjZostf klg k'/f x'g g;Sg] cj:yfsf] hLjgofkg ug{ afWo ju{x? kb{5g\ . ;LdfGts[tsf] cfw'lgs kl/efiffn] t]>f] lnËL ;d]tnfO{ hgfpb5 . ;f]emf] cy{df eGg' kbf{, /fHo / tLgsf vf; ;De|fGt JolQm jf ;d'bfox?sf] k|ToIf jf ck|ToIf /0fgLltn] ;LdfGts[t ;d"bfox?sf] cfly{s, ;fdflhs, /fhg}lts, k|zf;gLs nufotsf clwsf/x? s'lG7t ul/Psf] x'G5 . logLx?sf] dfgj clwsf/, df}lns clwsf/x? cGt/f{li6«o tyf /fli6«o sfg'gx?af6 ;'lglZrt ul/Psf] h:tf] b]lvG5 t/ Aojxf/tM sfof{Gjogdf cfPsf x'b}gg kmn:j?k ;LdfGts[t ;w} ;LdfGts[t x'ghfG5 .

ljZjsf] cg'ejn] s] b]vfPsf] 5 eg], ;LdfGtLs[tx?sf] d'2fx? ;:tf] nf]slk|otf sdfpgsf nflu pkof]uL x'g] / oL d'2fx? cufl8 ;f/]/ ;z:q ¢Gb jf /fhg}lts cfGbf]ng jf s|flGt ug{ ;xh x'g] b]lvG5 . o;df ;LdfGtLs[t ju{ ;lhn} pTk|]l/t x'G5g / ck|Tofl;t ?kdf o'¢ jf cfGbf]ngdf ;lhn} xf]ldG5g . ctM oL ju{nfO{ nf]e nfnrdf e'nfP/ / nnfO{kmsfO{ ljb|f]xL kIfx?n] cToflws pkof]u ug]{ / o'4 jf cfGbf]ngsf] km|G6nfO{gdf /fVg] ub{5g . kmn:j?k /fHokIf / ljb|f]xLkIf b'j}af6 ;d]t ;f+3flts?kdf a9L lkl8t x'g] / s]lx ;Lldt -/fhg}lts_ ju{sf] pkef]usf] ju{ x'ghfG5, ;LdfGts[t ;d'bfox? . h;n] ubf{ logLx?sf] cj:yfdf kl/jt{g / pTyfg ug{ emg} sl7g x'g hfG5 .

w}/} h;f] ¢Gb cg';Gwfgstf{x?sf] Ps dt s]df kfOG5 eg], dfcf]jfbL hgo'¢ xg'sf k|d'v sf/0fx? / o;df hg;dy{g x'g'df ;LdfGts[t ;d'bfox?sf d'2fx?n] k|d"vtf kfpg' g} xf] . h:t}M ax'jlGrlts/0f, 5'jf5't, ;fdflhs plTk8g, zf]if0f / ;fdGtL ;+:sf/sf] ;+:s[lt, hftLo cf}klgif]zjfbsf] ;+/rgfut hl6ntf, ul/jLsf] b'irqm / s'zf;gsf] a9\bf] k|efj h:tf d'2fx?sf] ;Daf]wg ug{ /fHosf] cu|ufdL k"g;+{/rgf ug]{ hgo'¢sf gf/fx? lyP . cyf{t hgo''4sf] sf/s cfwf/ x]bf{ o;n] /fhg}lts jf k|zf;lgseGbf ;fdflhstkm{sf] If]q a9L ;d]6]sf] b]lvG5 . hgo'¢sfndf a]/f]huf/nfO{ hflu/ lbg], ;'s'Djf;LnfO{ hUuf lbg], sfo{stf{nfO{ g]tf, eQf / dGqL agfpg], ul/jnfO{ ;xh} wgL agfpg] h:tf hl6n ;kgfx? ;:tf]?kdf /0fg}lts tj/n] ckgfOPsf] o;sf yk k|df0fx? x'g\ . lautsf hgo'4 xf]; jf dw]z cfGbf]ngsf cfFwLj]x/L xf];, lnDa'jfg, v'Da'jfg, yf?jfg cfGbf]ngsf dfu xf]; ;a}df ;LdfGtLs[t s} d'2fx? cufl8 ;f/]sf] b]lvG5 . kmn:j?k /fHon] ca :jLsf/ ul/;s]sf] 5 ls, ;LdfGts[tsf d'2fx? s] x'g / o;nfO{ s;/L ;Daf]wg ug{] . /fHon] xfn} ;'? u/]sf] k|of; x}bf{ ;j}eGbf a9L >f]t, zlQm / ;+/rgfx? ;LdfGs[tsf d'2fx? ;Daf]wg tkm{ pGd'v ePsf] b]lvG5 . ;j} kIfx?n] s] a'emL;s]sf 5g eg] ;LdfGts[t ju{nfO{ cem a9L pk]Iff slxst} af6 eof] eg] ljBdfg rln/x]sf] zflGt k|lqmof e+u x'g] vt/f dfq xf]Og /fHo k"g;+{/rgfsf] clei6 aiff}{aif{ k5fl8 ws]lng ;S5 . /fHosf] zf;lso Joj:yf d'7e]8 pGd'v xg;S5 / /fHo k'gM ;z:q 4Gbsf] sfnf] o'udf df]l8g]] afWofTds cj:yf ;[hgf x'g;S5 . cTfM ca x'g nfu]sf] /fHo k"g;{+/rgfsf] ;DjGwdf oL ;LdfGts[t au{x?sf] ;d:of ;Djf]wg ug'{ l;Ëf] g]kfn /fi6«sf ;fd' 7"nf] cj;/, r'gf}tL / xfFssf] ?kdf plePsf] 5 .

ljZjsf] cg'ej x]g{] xf] eGf], zflGTf Joj:yfkg / /fHo k'g;{+/rgfsf] ;Gbe{df ;LdfGtLs[t ;d"bfox?sf] d'2fx?sf] ;Daf]wg ug]{ k|d"v txM b'O{j6f l;¢fGtdf cfwfl/t ljlwx? 5g\ . k|yd, ;dfj]zLs/0f / bf]>f] ax'njfbsf cjwf/0ff a[xt?kdf ;LdfGtLs[tsf kIfw/ dflgG5g\ . ;dfj]zLs/0fn] ;LdfGtLs[t jf jlGrtLs/0fdf kg'{kg{] kl/l:yltsf] cGtsf] kl/sNkgf ub{5 eg], ax'nafbn] ljljwtfnfO{ Pstfsf] ;'qdf ufF;L ;fdflhs, ;f:s[lts ;b\efjsf] alnof] hu agfpb} /fli6«o Pstf / /fi6« lgdf{0fdf 7"nf] 6]jf k'¥ofpFb5 h'g cd]l/sf, SofGff8f / o'/f]ksf d'n'sx?sf cg'ejn] k|dfl0ft ul/;s]sf] 5 .

g]kfndf klg ;dfj]zLs/0fsf ljleGg pkfox? cjnDag ug{ yflnPsf] 5 h'g lglZrt ?kdf s]lx xb;Dd ;/fxgLo 5 . g]kfndf klg cGo d'n'sx? h:tf] ;+j}wflgs Joj:yf -df}lns xssf] dxn_, lgjf{rg k|0ffnL -;dfg'kflts_, k|zf;lgs lg0f{ox? -/fhg}lts lgo'lQm tyf dgf]gog_, /fhg}lts ;+/rgfdf ljljwtf / If]lqo k|ltlglwTjsf] ;+:s[lt pGd'v, ;dfa]zL tyf n}+lusd}qL lasf; Joj:yfkg, sfg"g¢f/f g} ;sf/fTds lje]b, cf/If0f, sf]6f h:tf Joj:yfsf] k|of;x? ;/fxlgo 5 . o;sf cltl/Qm ;fdflhs Gofo / ;fdflhs ;'/Iffsf] nflu klg ah]6 / laleGg sfo{qmdx? Dffkm{t ul/Psf k|of;sf] yfngL klg ;sf/fTds dfGg ;lsG5 . o;sf tTsfn k|efj x]g]{ xf] eg] ljBdfg ;+;b / ;+ljwfg;efsf] ;dfa];L rl/q / ;+/rgf, ax'n k|ltlglwTjdf cfwfl/t dlGqkl/ifb\sf] u7g, ;Da}wflgs c+ux?df yf]/} ;+Vof ePklg ;Gt'lnt k|ltlglwTj, ;/sf/L ;]jfx?df ;LdfGtLs[t au{sf] a9bf] k|ltlglwTj pGd'v h:tf pknAwLx? ;LdfGtLs[t ju{sf lxtdf ePsf pNn]vlgo k|of;x? x'g\ . t/ xfn /fHon] canDjg u/]sf] ;dfa]zLs/0fsf] k|s[ofut / sfo{ut k2lt kl/j]z ;'xfpbf] / a}1flgs ;+:s[ltdf cfwfl/t b]lvb}g . ctM o;nfO{ a[xt cWoog / pko'Qm Joj:yfkg u/L tTsfn ;'wf/ ug'{kg]{ vfrf] 5 . ;f] gul/Pdf xr'jfdf cfwfl/t o; ;+qmd0fsflng ;dfa]zLs/0fsf] gLltnfO{ lg/Gt/tf lbO{of] eg] eljiodf o;n] yk hl6ntf / ;d:of Nofpg ;S5 . ctM ;dodf g} cfaZos ;ts{tf ckgfO{ cfaZos ;'wf/sf k|of; yflng' h?/L 5 .

;a}eGbf dxTjk"0f{ laifo s] 5 eg], g]kfndf cd"s hft, lnË, ju{, If]qsf / ;d'bfosf JolQmnfO{ xf]n]l:6s?kdf ;LdfGtLs[t egL tf]lsPsf] 5 t/ o;sf cfwf/x? :ki6 5}gg\ . pbfx/0fsf]nflu z]kf{, ysfnL eGgf;fy ;a} z]kf{, ysfnL ;LdfGtLs[t egL a'lemg] clxn]sf] kl/efiff 5 . h;nfO{ ;dfhzf:q, cy{zf:q jf /fhgLltzf:qsf] s'g}klg cjwf/0ffn] jf l;¢fGtn] ;xL k'li6 ub}g . ctM xr'jf jf le8tGqsf] bjfjdf l;ldt /fhgLlts jf ;fdflhs :jfy{ k"lt{ ug{ ;:tf] nf]slk|otfdf cfwfl/t eP/ ag]sf] kl/efiffsf] ?kfGt/0f tYok/s / a}1flgs?kdf dfGotf k|fKt j}w cfly{s ;fdflhs ;'rsfÍsf] ljsf; u/L x'g'kb{5 . of] yfxf ePs} s'/f xf] ls, hftkft, 5jf5't k|0ffnL nf]stGq, ljsf; / dfgj clwsf/sf k|d"v afws x'g\ . cem k"gM o;}nfO{ g} km]l/ cu|ufdL kl/at{g, ;dfa]zL / ;Gt'lnt ljsf;sf] cfwf/ dfg]/ u}/;LdfGtLs[t jf a+lrlts/0f df kb}{gkg]{ ;d"xnfO{ o;df /fv]/ cufl8 a9\g' eg]sf] ;flRrs} ;LdfGts[t ju{sf] la?¢ cGofo ug'{ xf] . s]lx ckafb afx]s clxn] xfdLn] ;LdfGts[tsf] a|fG8 lbPsf] w]/} ;d"bfox?df pRr ;fdflhs cfly{s hLjgofkg ug]{ JolQmx? 5g\ t/ klg Tolx hft, ju{ jf lnË leq kg]{ ePs} sf/0fn] dfq ;LdfGts[t sbflk dfGg ;lsb}g .

;LdfGts[tx?nfO{ ;dfa]zLs/0f ubf{ k"0f{txM a}1flgs k2lt cjnDjg x'g'kb{5 / o;sf] ;Defljt nlIft ju{x?sf] tYofÍ ;+sng tyf Joj:yfkg Ps pRr:tl/o /fli6«o:t/sf] cfof]u dfkm{t k|To]s ;Defljt nlIft JolQmx?sf] k|f]kmfOlnª ljZn]if0f u/L lglZrt cjlwsf] nflu ;LdfGts[t k|df0fkq lbg] Joj:yf ul/g'kb{5 . ;LdfGts[t ju{sf] Joj:yfkg / d"nk|jflxs/0fsf] ;a} Joj:yfklso sfo{sf] lhDdf Tolx cfof]u dfkm{t ul/g' kb{5 . cGoyf ;LdfGts[tsf] gfddf ;w} Tolx 6f7faf7f / k/Dk/fut?kdf klg ;LdfGts[tleq s} ;e|fGt ju{n] kmfO{bf lng] / zf]lift lkl8t ;w} oyfl:yltdf /lx/xg] cj:yfn] lg/Gt/tf kfpg;S5 .

¢Gb jf c/fhstf km}nfpg s'g} 7"nf] hdft jf ;d"x rflxb}g . ctM olb ;flRrs} ;LdfGts[t ju{x?sf] klxrfg u/L pTyfg ug]{ xf] eg] dfq ljBdfg zflGt k|s[ofsf] Joj:yfkg ;xh x'g;S5 . cGoyf ;LdfGts[t ju{sf] ;Djf]wg k|efjsf/L?kdf ePg eg] /fHo k"g;{+/rgf kZrft kl5 klg /fHo k"gM lbw{sflng ¢Gbsf] b'irqmdf km:g;S5 . ;LdfGts[tsf] gfddf vf]qmf] /fhgLlt ul/of] / ;:tf] nf]slk|otf afl8of] eg] clxn]nfO{ dfq xf]O{g eljiosf] ;GttLnfO{ ;d]t 7"nf] ;+s6 lgDTofpg ;S5 . ctM ;DjlGwt ;a} lgsfox? clt ;Dj]bgzLn / ;+oldt eO{ ;LdfGts[tsf d'2fx? ;Djf]wgdf Psh'6 eO{ nfUg OdfGbf/L ;lxtsf] k|lta¢ x'g'kb{5 .

;a} hft, wd{ ;+:s[ltnfO{ /fli6«o dfGotf / :yfg lbg', Ps efiff Ps e]ifsf] /fli6«o klxrfgsf] ;+:s[ltnfO{ tf]8\b} ax' efiff, e]ife'iff ;+:s[tLdf ?kfGt/0f ug]{, PsfTdsaf6 ;+3fTds zf;lso k2ltsf] :jLsf/f]lQm, wd{lg/k]Iftf O{Toflb tkm{ kfO{nf ;fg]{ /fHosf] xfn}sf k|of;nfO{ ljljwtfnfO{ ax'nafbtkm{ pGd'v u/fpg] 7"nf] km8\sf] xf] eGg ;lsG5 . /fhgLlts lgo'lQm, dgf]gog / lgjf{rg k2ltdf ckgfO{Psf] ;dfg'kflts k|ltlglwTjsf] k|0ffnLsf] ;'?jftnfO{ ax'njfb tkm{sf] yk pGd'vtfsf] cem ;/fxlgo k|of; dfGg ;lsG5 . clxn]sf oL k|of;x? lglZrt?kdf k"0f{ / k|of{Kt geP tfklg lawdfg ;+sd0fsflng ca:yfdf olt;Ddsf] pknlAwnfO{ sf]z]9'Ëf dfGg ;lsG5 .

g]kfn lawdfg /fHo k"gM;+/rgfsf] kl/k|]Iodf lbuf] zflGt Joj:yfkgsf] ;+sd0fsflng sl7g df]8af6 u'h|L/x]sf]n] cl;ldt r'gf}tLx? 5g\ . g]kfnsf] ;+ljwfg tyf zf;lso ;+rfngsf] cfwf/ cfk;L /fhg}lts ;xdlt x'g'sf] ;§f ;Qfdf]xsf] v]n, zflGt ;Demf}tfsf] sfof{Gjogdf lgis[otf, Joj:yflksf ;+;b / ;+ljwfg;efsf] lg/f;fhgs sfo{;Dkfbg:t/, ;+ljwfg lgdf{0f k|s[ofdf cj/f]w / l9nfO{, a9\bf] /fhg}lts pb08tf, /fhg}lts lvrftfgL, ;Qfd'vL c:j:y k|lt:kwf{, u7aGwg ;/sf/sf] cfk;L dgf]dflnGotf, k/Dk/fut ;fdflhs ;+:s[lt / lxGb' dg':d[ltdf cfwfl/t hLjgz}nL, cjflG5t cGt/f{li6«o x:tIf]k, bftfd'vL of]hgf, lau|bf] zflGt ;'/Iff, ck/flws/0fsf] ;+:s[lt, le8tGq, /fhgLlt / k|zf;gsf] c;fd~h:otf cflb k|d"v r'gf}tLx? 5g\ . oBlk oL sl7gfO{x?nfO{ Joj:yfkg ug{ /fHosf ;a} zlQmx? Psh'6 eO{ cf–cfkm\gf] :t/af6 nfUg] xf] eg] dfq lglZrt?kdf Joj:yfkg ug{ ;lsG5 . ;LdfGts[t jf a+lrlts/0fdf k/]sf ;d"bfox?sf] d'2f ;Daf]wg ug]{ sfo{ nfdf] k|s[ofaf6 u'lh|g'k5{ . ctM ;/sf/, k|zf;g, /fhlglt1, cfdhgtf / ;DalGwt ;a} ;d"bfox? Psh'6 eP/ OdfGbfl/tfsf ;fy ;d:of tyf r'gf}tLx?nfO{ k|fylds/0f u/L k"0f{ k|lta¢tfsf ;fy nfUg] xf] eg] tL r'gf}tLx?sf] ;fdgf ug{ ;xh x'g] b]lvG5 . pk/f]Qm r'gf}tLx?nfO{ lgjf/0f ug{ /fHon] tyf ;Da¢ kIfn] ;j{k|yd zflGt k|s[ofnfO{ OdfGbfl/tfk"j{s cy{k"0f{ lgisif{ k'¥ofpg], ;+ljwfg ;ef / Joj:yflksf ;+;b lgoldt?kdf ;'rf? /fVg], ;8sdf c/fhs la/f]w dfkm{t p7fPsf d'2fx? ;+;bdf g} aftf{¢f/f 6'Ëofpg], laBdfg ;/sf/sf] 7"nf]bn g]=s=kf= dfcf]jfbL ;d]tnfO{ ;/sf/df NofO{ Psh'6 eP/ ;+sd0fsflng zf;lso cj:yfsf] Go"lgs/0f ub}{, /fHosf k|fyldstf k|fKt d'2fx?df qmda¢ tl/sfn] cufl8 a9\g'kg]{ clxn]sf] ckl/xfo{tf b]lvG5 .

zflGt Joj:yfkg / ;LdfGts[tsf d'2fx? ;Djf]wg laBdfg /fHok"g;{+/rgfsf ;Gbe{df Pscsf{sf] k"/s / cGt/;DalGwt b]lvPsf]n] lbuf] zflGtsf] :yfkgf / ;LdfGts[t ju{nfO{ ;bfsf nflu ;LdfGts[t jf a+lrltdf x'gaf6 hf]ufpg ;dfa]zLs/0f / ax'nafbsf cjwf/0ffx? canDjg ub}{ hfg' ckl/xfo{ 5 . o;/L /fi6«sf] ;Gt'lnt / ;dfa]zL ljsf;sf] ;f]r k|efjsf/L?kdf nfu" ug{ ;lsof] eg] b]zdf ljBdfg w]/} ;d:of tyf r'gf}tLx?sf] Go"lgs/0f eO{ cu|ufdL ;sf/fTds ;f]raf6 clek|]l/t /fHo k"g;{+/rgfsf] /fli6«o nIo / cleofg k|fKtL tyf lbuf] zflGt Jojyfkgdf d2t k'Ug]5 .

-n]vs zflGt tyf ¢Gb Joj:yfkg laz]if1 x'g'sf ;fy} g]kfn ;/sf/sf pk;lrj kbdf sfo{/t x'g'x'G5 . khpushkar@gmail.com)