Showing posts with label India. Show all posts
Showing posts with label India. Show all posts

Wednesday, May 12, 2010

General Strike: End Political Deadlock of Nepal

By Krishna Hari Pushkar

International Labor Day this year was fouled by a crude general strike in Nepal, which was declared by the opposition Maoist Party. In the beginning, it was seen as a peaceful and disciplined movement. However, it is being unexpectedly longer.

Public patience is running out, poor are forced to live without food, sick people are being barred from treatment. People are not allowed to work. The majority have crises to solve with day-to-day, hand-to-mouth problems. Public movement, economic transactions and transportation are in a state of frost. Human rights and fundamental rights have been kyboshed. General life and its activities are totally stopped. Even humanitarian emergency activities are suspended due to the general strike around the nation.

Everything seems out of order. The public's patience has died and seems uncontent to have this general strike. Generally, people have started the war against the strike both inside and outside of the valley. People came on the road to confront Maoist cadres and its supporters. Peace rallies are also being held across the nation in initiation of various professional and commercial organizations.

The direct and indirect confrontational activities are being more & more violent, so the state has ordered curfews to counter possible causalities in various districts. The numbers of equipped security personnel have heightened to riposte the general strike of Maoist.

The fourth, fifth and sixth day of the general strike were dreadful to observe and accounted for lots of incidents of confrontation between Maoist supporters and others in various valleys and cities across the country. Moreover, the government has also decided to use the army for protection of special areas and places in accordance with comprehensive peace accord. In this regards, the representatives of ruling political parties and opposition Maoist leaders have held series of dialogues in luxurious hotels to end the political deadlocks; however results of the efforts were not found until now.

The diplomatic and international community have also put huge pressure and interventional efforts on both government and Maoists. India and China have already expressed and used their open concerns and diplomatic therapy against the ongoing deadly political situation. The UN, US and EU are continuing their special efforts to address the standstill. They are keeping up continuous pressure on both parties to find quick common ground for political consensus. However, these efforts have not yet been effective.

Consequently, the length of the general strike is being increased while at the same time, the state of topsy-turvydom is adding up out of the blue. There are dual interpretations of the ongoing general strike. Maoists explain it is held to achieve the motto of the comprehensive peace accord, to obtain a new constitution within deadlines and to constitute legitimate multi party consensus government under the prime ministership of Maoist leader Mr. Prachanda. The second viewpoint is that the government and its ruling coalition claims that the general strike is unethical, undemocratic and unconstitutional. They contend it is just being held to change the prime minister, and ruling leaders claim the hidden goal of the strike is to just establish Maoist party's' chairman Mr. Puspa Kamal Dahal aka Prachanda as prime minister of Nepal, and the party as a major pillar of government.

The ruling party also accuse Maoists of wanting to put the nation into chaos and plotting to boot out the exiting democratic forces from political mainstream. They want to capture overall state functions and functionaries into captivity with muscle, and integrate its former political combatants into state's defense and security mechanism without following the national and international rules and standards.

Furthermore, democratic forces blame Maoists of acting beyond the constitution and rules of law. Government blames the opposition Maoist party as neither respecting the constitutional provisions nor paying honest attention towards the comprehensive peace accord. Hence, the practices and performances of constitutional assembly have become totally defunct and the execution of comprehensive peace accord is paralyzed. Simply stated, currently the overall state affair e.g. constitution assembly, cabinet, peace process etc, are out of whack and jeopardized.

Before beginning, and after enforcement of the ongoing general strikes, there have been series of meetings and dialogues between Maoist parties and representatives of ruling parties to win common ground for political consensus. However, both parties have not yet found any common grounds, which is an opprobrious and clear proof of their incapability. It has openly proved the deficits of the involved politicians.

Maoists believe that power is taken, not given anywhere in the world, so, they will take power and acquire all their demands. Ruling parties say that this viewpoint will only happen in their dreams. The government and its coalition parties won't compromise at all in the legitimate constitutional process.

The road is not a way to remove the prime minister, and the existing prime minister will not resign at all till he is removed through due constitutional process. Hence, the state of differences seems enormous between the parties. It is rib-tickling to imagine both parties sitting to talk and looking for gentle negotiation without compromising their slanted need and demand.

Strategically, the ruling parties have requested Maoists to come through constitutional assembly, if they seek to change the government, rather than general strike or other means that may be painful to people. The Government has also repeatedly requested them to fulfill at least the minimum degree of former commitments before getting the resignation of Prime Minister Mr. Nepal. Minimum commitments include transforming the young communist league (YCL) from paramilitary force to democratic student wings or its desolation, suitable integration and management of ex-Maoist combatants, giving back of seized and captured properties to its true owners without any condition and fully free and transform the Maoist party from militant or paramilitary groups into civil parties. In addition, ruling parties are also asking to stop force donation culture, devastation of parallel government system, stop criminal activities and all activities that are against the norms of democracy and rule of law.

Surprisingly, beside the series of meetings and dialogues there have been no progresses at all. Of course, the Maoists and the government both have plenty of weaknesses, and both parties are not able to honestly enforce the previous commitments and agreed issues in accordance with national need and corresponding political roadmap.

The first series of five dialogues and meetings failed because of the autarchy nature and anarchical characteristics of the confronting parties and its leaders. Both of the parties are putting forward their logic while ignoring the sensitivity of political deadlocks. Both parties are not found serious enough about public and national interests. Neither of the leaders have been able to achieve peace or a constitution in due time.

So, representatives of both teams are not found technically sound. In public eyes, both groups are crazy to capture the cabinet, but they do not foresee the impacts of the ongoing political chaos. Therefore, both parties must rethink and reorganize their representatives, and strategic ways for peaceful dialogue, putting the people and national interest into center-focus. They must come above its political and individual selfishness respecting the mandate of general people's movement, sprit of constitutional assembly and comprehensive peace accord.

Specially, to get true success of peaceful dialogue, the negotiation team must take authorized consent from the respective parties, mentioning clearly about the degree of flexibility along with efficient roadmap, which may able to bring the parties into easy consensus. There are also difficulties and conflict of interest among inter-intra parties and leaders, so, the governments' representatives must participate as valued observers during the pre-ongoing and post dialogue phases to resolve the crisis constructively. Equally, the dialogue team must be inclusive and should incorporate the representation of all parliamentarian forces with new ideas and approaches, otherwise out-dated models and traditional political leaders will not be able to reach a peaceful destination as expected by general public of Nepal.

Both parties must be liberal and compromise in political consensus. Specially, it is important to execute first the previous agreements and commitments duly. Both government and opposition should stop ignoring previous commitments and agreements.

All political parties should practice the philosophy of constitutionalism and rule of law until it works. They must sit together in parliament/ or constitution assembly for necessary dialogues and systematic negotiation. Both parties may also use the system of high-level political mechanism for the purpose. They should also include more, or invite other relevant leading leaders from the respective parties, government and independent personalities from civil society and others necessary groups.

Politicians must understand the needs and interests of the nation and its people, otherwise anarchic and autocratic politicians and parties will gradually collapse as happened in past regimes. Nepalese people want long-lasting freedoms from all types of political confrontation and conflicts. Nepalese are peace-loving people and want to see peace, peace and more peace, so all should stop all types of violence, strikes and political confrontations from their political paths and strategies.

Saturday, January 23, 2010

Issues of Marginalized Community in Peace Management

Issues of Marginalized Community in Peace Management

zflGt Joj:yfkgdf ;LdfGtLs[t ju{sf d'2fx?

s[i0fxl/ k'is/ s0f{

Gf]kfn clxn] ¢Gbsf] bf]x/f] ljifd kl/l:ytLaf6 u'lh|/x]sf] 5 . g]kfn ;/sf/ / g]=s=kf= dfcf]jfbLlarsf] j[xQ zflGt ;Demf}tf, @)^# kl5 Psflt/ ¢GbkZrftsf] ;Da]bgzLn cj:yf 5 eg] csf]{lt/ b]zsf sltko e"–efux?df bh{gf} ;z:qwf/L ;d'xx? e'ldut?kdf /fHo lj?4 ;z:q o'¢ nl8/x]sf] eofjx l:ylt 5 . o; zflGt / ¢Gbljrsf] ;+s|d0fsfnLg kl/j]zdf b]zdf zflGt Joj:yfkg / /fHo k"g;{+/rgfsf] ckl/xfo{ cfofdsf?kdf ;LdfGtLs[t ju{, ;d"bfosf d'2fx?sf] ;Gt'lnt ;Daf]wg cToGt dxTjk"0f{ / r'gf}tLk"0f{ klg 5g\ . x'gtf ;LdfGtLs[t ;d"bfosf d'2fx? k|efjsf/L?kdf /fli6«o k|fyldstfdf kg'{sf] k|d'v sf/0fsf] k5fl8 dfcf]jfbL sf] ;z:q hgo'¢, dw]z cfGbf]ng OTofbL g}] x'g\ . ljutsf zf;gsfndf klg oL d'2fx? gp7]sf jf k|of; g} gePsf eg] kSs} xf]Ogg\ tyflk a[xQ zflGt ;Demf}tf kZrft o;sf] ;Dj]bgzLntf / k|fyldstfn] ljz]if cfsf/, k|sf/, :j?k, dfGotf kfO{ dxTjk"0f{ /fli6«o Ph]G8fsf] ?kdf :yflkt ePsf] 5 .

Gf]kfndf ;LdfGts[t sf] x'g eg]/ ;f]Wbf, o;sf] 7f]; / :ki6?kdf slx st} sfg'gL / j}w pQ/ kfOb}g . tyflk ;LdfGts[t eGgfn] To:tf] ;d'xnfO{ a'lemG5 h'g /fHosf] d"nk|jfxaf6 lgs} k/ x'G5 . To:tf ;d"xx? jlGrlts/0fdf k/]sf jf kfl/Psf x'G5g / cg]sf} ;fdflhs, cfly{s, ;f:s[lts ;d:ofx?n] lkl8t / zf]lift x'G5g\ . oL ;d'xx? Gofof]lrt?kdf klxrfg, kx'Fr, k|ltlglwTj, :jfldTj, ;xeflutf / ;j{flË0f ljsf;sf cj;/x?af6 jflGrtLdf k/]sf jf kfl/Psf x'G5g . o:tf ;d"xx?sf] kl/efiff / ;'r+sfÍ ;fk]lIft x'g] tyf lglZrt ;do / cj:yfdf cf–cfkm\gf /fi6«sf] cj:yfg';f/ kl/jt{gd'vL x'G5g\ . g]kfnsf] kl/k|]Ifdf ;LdfGts[t ju{df vf; u/]/ clt ul/j, ;'s'Djf;L, cNk;+Vos ;d'bfox?, lkl5l8Psf ju{, dlxnf, ckfË, blntx?, nf]kf]Gd'v ljleGg cflbjf;L hghftLx? / oL leqsf klg sdhf]/ ju{ / cfly{s ;fdflhs ?kn] k5fl8 k/]sf, cfwf/e't cfjZostf klg k'/f x'g g;Sg] cj:yfsf] hLjgofkg ug{ afWo ju{x? kb{5g\ . ;LdfGts[tsf] cfw'lgs kl/efiffn] t]>f] lnËL ;d]tnfO{ hgfpb5 . ;f]emf] cy{df eGg' kbf{, /fHo / tLgsf vf; ;De|fGt JolQm jf ;d'bfox?sf] k|ToIf jf ck|ToIf /0fgLltn] ;LdfGts[t ;d"bfox?sf] cfly{s, ;fdflhs, /fhg}lts, k|zf;gLs nufotsf clwsf/x? s'lG7t ul/Psf] x'G5 . logLx?sf] dfgj clwsf/, df}lns clwsf/x? cGt/f{li6«o tyf /fli6«o sfg'gx?af6 ;'lglZrt ul/Psf] h:tf] b]lvG5 t/ Aojxf/tM sfof{Gjogdf cfPsf x'b}gg kmn:j?k ;LdfGts[t ;w} ;LdfGts[t x'ghfG5 .

ljZjsf] cg'ejn] s] b]vfPsf] 5 eg], ;LdfGtLs[tx?sf] d'2fx? ;:tf] nf]slk|otf sdfpgsf nflu pkof]uL x'g] / oL d'2fx? cufl8 ;f/]/ ;z:q ¢Gb jf /fhg}lts cfGbf]ng jf s|flGt ug{ ;xh x'g] b]lvG5 . o;df ;LdfGtLs[t ju{ ;lhn} pTk|]l/t x'G5g / ck|Tofl;t ?kdf o'¢ jf cfGbf]ngdf ;lhn} xf]ldG5g . ctM oL ju{nfO{ nf]e nfnrdf e'nfP/ / nnfO{kmsfO{ ljb|f]xL kIfx?n] cToflws pkof]u ug]{ / o'4 jf cfGbf]ngsf] km|G6nfO{gdf /fVg] ub{5g . kmn:j?k /fHokIf / ljb|f]xLkIf b'j}af6 ;d]t ;f+3flts?kdf a9L lkl8t x'g] / s]lx ;Lldt -/fhg}lts_ ju{sf] pkef]usf] ju{ x'ghfG5, ;LdfGts[t ;d'bfox? . h;n] ubf{ logLx?sf] cj:yfdf kl/jt{g / pTyfg ug{ emg} sl7g x'g hfG5 .

w}/} h;f] ¢Gb cg';Gwfgstf{x?sf] Ps dt s]df kfOG5 eg], dfcf]jfbL hgo'¢ xg'sf k|d'v sf/0fx? / o;df hg;dy{g x'g'df ;LdfGts[t ;d'bfox?sf d'2fx?n] k|d"vtf kfpg' g} xf] . h:t}M ax'jlGrlts/0f, 5'jf5't, ;fdflhs plTk8g, zf]if0f / ;fdGtL ;+:sf/sf] ;+:s[lt, hftLo cf}klgif]zjfbsf] ;+/rgfut hl6ntf, ul/jLsf] b'irqm / s'zf;gsf] a9\bf] k|efj h:tf d'2fx?sf] ;Daf]wg ug{ /fHosf] cu|ufdL k"g;+{/rgf ug]{ hgo'¢sf gf/fx? lyP . cyf{t hgo''4sf] sf/s cfwf/ x]bf{ o;n] /fhg}lts jf k|zf;lgseGbf ;fdflhstkm{sf] If]q a9L ;d]6]sf] b]lvG5 . hgo'¢sfndf a]/f]huf/nfO{ hflu/ lbg], ;'s'Djf;LnfO{ hUuf lbg], sfo{stf{nfO{ g]tf, eQf / dGqL agfpg], ul/jnfO{ ;xh} wgL agfpg] h:tf hl6n ;kgfx? ;:tf]?kdf /0fg}lts tj/n] ckgfOPsf] o;sf yk k|df0fx? x'g\ . lautsf hgo'4 xf]; jf dw]z cfGbf]ngsf cfFwLj]x/L xf];, lnDa'jfg, v'Da'jfg, yf?jfg cfGbf]ngsf dfu xf]; ;a}df ;LdfGtLs[t s} d'2fx? cufl8 ;f/]sf] b]lvG5 . kmn:j?k /fHon] ca :jLsf/ ul/;s]sf] 5 ls, ;LdfGts[tsf d'2fx? s] x'g / o;nfO{ s;/L ;Daf]wg ug{] . /fHon] xfn} ;'? u/]sf] k|of; x}bf{ ;j}eGbf a9L >f]t, zlQm / ;+/rgfx? ;LdfGs[tsf d'2fx? ;Daf]wg tkm{ pGd'v ePsf] b]lvG5 . ;j} kIfx?n] s] a'emL;s]sf 5g eg] ;LdfGts[t ju{nfO{ cem a9L pk]Iff slxst} af6 eof] eg] ljBdfg rln/x]sf] zflGt k|lqmof e+u x'g] vt/f dfq xf]Og /fHo k"g;+{/rgfsf] clei6 aiff}{aif{ k5fl8 ws]lng ;S5 . /fHosf] zf;lso Joj:yf d'7e]8 pGd'v xg;S5 / /fHo k'gM ;z:q 4Gbsf] sfnf] o'udf df]l8g]] afWofTds cj:yf ;[hgf x'g;S5 . cTfM ca x'g nfu]sf] /fHo k"g;{+/rgfsf] ;DjGwdf oL ;LdfGts[t au{x?sf] ;d:of ;Djf]wg ug'{ l;Ëf] g]kfn /fi6«sf ;fd' 7"nf] cj;/, r'gf}tL / xfFssf] ?kdf plePsf] 5 .

ljZjsf] cg'ej x]g{] xf] eGf], zflGTf Joj:yfkg / /fHo k'g;{+/rgfsf] ;Gbe{df ;LdfGtLs[t ;d"bfox?sf] d'2fx?sf] ;Daf]wg ug]{ k|d"v txM b'O{j6f l;¢fGtdf cfwfl/t ljlwx? 5g\ . k|yd, ;dfj]zLs/0f / bf]>f] ax'njfbsf cjwf/0ff a[xt?kdf ;LdfGtLs[tsf kIfw/ dflgG5g\ . ;dfj]zLs/0fn] ;LdfGtLs[t jf jlGrtLs/0fdf kg'{kg{] kl/l:yltsf] cGtsf] kl/sNkgf ub{5 eg], ax'nafbn] ljljwtfnfO{ Pstfsf] ;'qdf ufF;L ;fdflhs, ;f:s[lts ;b\efjsf] alnof] hu agfpb} /fli6«o Pstf / /fi6« lgdf{0fdf 7"nf] 6]jf k'¥ofpFb5 h'g cd]l/sf, SofGff8f / o'/f]ksf d'n'sx?sf cg'ejn] k|dfl0ft ul/;s]sf] 5 .

g]kfndf klg ;dfj]zLs/0fsf ljleGg pkfox? cjnDag ug{ yflnPsf] 5 h'g lglZrt ?kdf s]lx xb;Dd ;/fxgLo 5 . g]kfndf klg cGo d'n'sx? h:tf] ;+j}wflgs Joj:yf -df}lns xssf] dxn_, lgjf{rg k|0ffnL -;dfg'kflts_, k|zf;lgs lg0f{ox? -/fhg}lts lgo'lQm tyf dgf]gog_, /fhg}lts ;+/rgfdf ljljwtf / If]lqo k|ltlglwTjsf] ;+:s[lt pGd'v, ;dfa]zL tyf n}+lusd}qL lasf; Joj:yfkg, sfg"g¢f/f g} ;sf/fTds lje]b, cf/If0f, sf]6f h:tf Joj:yfsf] k|of;x? ;/fxlgo 5 . o;sf cltl/Qm ;fdflhs Gofo / ;fdflhs ;'/Iffsf] nflu klg ah]6 / laleGg sfo{qmdx? Dffkm{t ul/Psf k|of;sf] yfngL klg ;sf/fTds dfGg ;lsG5 . o;sf tTsfn k|efj x]g]{ xf] eg] ljBdfg ;+;b / ;+ljwfg;efsf] ;dfa];L rl/q / ;+/rgf, ax'n k|ltlglwTjdf cfwfl/t dlGqkl/ifb\sf] u7g, ;Da}wflgs c+ux?df yf]/} ;+Vof ePklg ;Gt'lnt k|ltlglwTj, ;/sf/L ;]jfx?df ;LdfGtLs[t au{sf] a9bf] k|ltlglwTj pGd'v h:tf pknAwLx? ;LdfGtLs[t ju{sf lxtdf ePsf pNn]vlgo k|of;x? x'g\ . t/ xfn /fHon] canDjg u/]sf] ;dfa]zLs/0fsf] k|s[ofut / sfo{ut k2lt kl/j]z ;'xfpbf] / a}1flgs ;+:s[ltdf cfwfl/t b]lvb}g . ctM o;nfO{ a[xt cWoog / pko'Qm Joj:yfkg u/L tTsfn ;'wf/ ug'{kg]{ vfrf] 5 . ;f] gul/Pdf xr'jfdf cfwfl/t o; ;+qmd0fsflng ;dfa]zLs/0fsf] gLltnfO{ lg/Gt/tf lbO{of] eg] eljiodf o;n] yk hl6ntf / ;d:of Nofpg ;S5 . ctM ;dodf g} cfaZos ;ts{tf ckgfO{ cfaZos ;'wf/sf k|of; yflng' h?/L 5 .

;a}eGbf dxTjk"0f{ laifo s] 5 eg], g]kfndf cd"s hft, lnË, ju{, If]qsf / ;d'bfosf JolQmnfO{ xf]n]l:6s?kdf ;LdfGtLs[t egL tf]lsPsf] 5 t/ o;sf cfwf/x? :ki6 5}gg\ . pbfx/0fsf]nflu z]kf{, ysfnL eGgf;fy ;a} z]kf{, ysfnL ;LdfGtLs[t egL a'lemg] clxn]sf] kl/efiff 5 . h;nfO{ ;dfhzf:q, cy{zf:q jf /fhgLltzf:qsf] s'g}klg cjwf/0ffn] jf l;¢fGtn] ;xL k'li6 ub}g . ctM xr'jf jf le8tGqsf] bjfjdf l;ldt /fhgLlts jf ;fdflhs :jfy{ k"lt{ ug{ ;:tf] nf]slk|otfdf cfwfl/t eP/ ag]sf] kl/efiffsf] ?kfGt/0f tYok/s / a}1flgs?kdf dfGotf k|fKt j}w cfly{s ;fdflhs ;'rsfÍsf] ljsf; u/L x'g'kb{5 . of] yfxf ePs} s'/f xf] ls, hftkft, 5jf5't k|0ffnL nf]stGq, ljsf; / dfgj clwsf/sf k|d"v afws x'g\ . cem k"gM o;}nfO{ g} km]l/ cu|ufdL kl/at{g, ;dfa]zL / ;Gt'lnt ljsf;sf] cfwf/ dfg]/ u}/;LdfGtLs[t jf a+lrlts/0f df kb}{gkg]{ ;d"xnfO{ o;df /fv]/ cufl8 a9\g' eg]sf] ;flRrs} ;LdfGts[t ju{sf] la?¢ cGofo ug'{ xf] . s]lx ckafb afx]s clxn] xfdLn] ;LdfGts[tsf] a|fG8 lbPsf] w]/} ;d"bfox?df pRr ;fdflhs cfly{s hLjgofkg ug]{ JolQmx? 5g\ t/ klg Tolx hft, ju{ jf lnË leq kg]{ ePs} sf/0fn] dfq ;LdfGts[t sbflk dfGg ;lsb}g .

;LdfGts[tx?nfO{ ;dfa]zLs/0f ubf{ k"0f{txM a}1flgs k2lt cjnDjg x'g'kb{5 / o;sf] ;Defljt nlIft ju{x?sf] tYofÍ ;+sng tyf Joj:yfkg Ps pRr:tl/o /fli6«o:t/sf] cfof]u dfkm{t k|To]s ;Defljt nlIft JolQmx?sf] k|f]kmfOlnª ljZn]if0f u/L lglZrt cjlwsf] nflu ;LdfGts[t k|df0fkq lbg] Joj:yf ul/g'kb{5 . ;LdfGts[t ju{sf] Joj:yfkg / d"nk|jflxs/0fsf] ;a} Joj:yfklso sfo{sf] lhDdf Tolx cfof]u dfkm{t ul/g' kb{5 . cGoyf ;LdfGts[tsf] gfddf ;w} Tolx 6f7faf7f / k/Dk/fut?kdf klg ;LdfGts[tleq s} ;e|fGt ju{n] kmfO{bf lng] / zf]lift lkl8t ;w} oyfl:yltdf /lx/xg] cj:yfn] lg/Gt/tf kfpg;S5 .

¢Gb jf c/fhstf km}nfpg s'g} 7"nf] hdft jf ;d"x rflxb}g . ctM olb ;flRrs} ;LdfGts[t ju{x?sf] klxrfg u/L pTyfg ug]{ xf] eg] dfq ljBdfg zflGt k|s[ofsf] Joj:yfkg ;xh x'g;S5 . cGoyf ;LdfGts[t ju{sf] ;Djf]wg k|efjsf/L?kdf ePg eg] /fHo k"g;{+/rgf kZrft kl5 klg /fHo k"gM lbw{sflng ¢Gbsf] b'irqmdf km:g;S5 . ;LdfGts[tsf] gfddf vf]qmf] /fhgLlt ul/of] / ;:tf] nf]slk|otf afl8of] eg] clxn]nfO{ dfq xf]O{g eljiosf] ;GttLnfO{ ;d]t 7"nf] ;+s6 lgDTofpg ;S5 . ctM ;DjlGwt ;a} lgsfox? clt ;Dj]bgzLn / ;+oldt eO{ ;LdfGts[tsf d'2fx? ;Djf]wgdf Psh'6 eO{ nfUg OdfGbf/L ;lxtsf] k|lta¢ x'g'kb{5 .

;a} hft, wd{ ;+:s[ltnfO{ /fli6«o dfGotf / :yfg lbg', Ps efiff Ps e]ifsf] /fli6«o klxrfgsf] ;+:s[ltnfO{ tf]8\b} ax' efiff, e]ife'iff ;+:s[tLdf ?kfGt/0f ug]{, PsfTdsaf6 ;+3fTds zf;lso k2ltsf] :jLsf/f]lQm, wd{lg/k]Iftf O{Toflb tkm{ kfO{nf ;fg]{ /fHosf] xfn}sf k|of;nfO{ ljljwtfnfO{ ax'nafbtkm{ pGd'v u/fpg] 7"nf] km8\sf] xf] eGg ;lsG5 . /fhgLlts lgo'lQm, dgf]gog / lgjf{rg k2ltdf ckgfO{Psf] ;dfg'kflts k|ltlglwTjsf] k|0ffnLsf] ;'?jftnfO{ ax'njfb tkm{sf] yk pGd'vtfsf] cem ;/fxlgo k|of; dfGg ;lsG5 . clxn]sf oL k|of;x? lglZrt?kdf k"0f{ / k|of{Kt geP tfklg lawdfg ;+sd0fsflng ca:yfdf olt;Ddsf] pknlAwnfO{ sf]z]9'Ëf dfGg ;lsG5 .

g]kfn lawdfg /fHo k"gM;+/rgfsf] kl/k|]Iodf lbuf] zflGt Joj:yfkgsf] ;+sd0fsflng sl7g df]8af6 u'h|L/x]sf]n] cl;ldt r'gf}tLx? 5g\ . g]kfnsf] ;+ljwfg tyf zf;lso ;+rfngsf] cfwf/ cfk;L /fhg}lts ;xdlt x'g'sf] ;§f ;Qfdf]xsf] v]n, zflGt ;Demf}tfsf] sfof{Gjogdf lgis[otf, Joj:yflksf ;+;b / ;+ljwfg;efsf] lg/f;fhgs sfo{;Dkfbg:t/, ;+ljwfg lgdf{0f k|s[ofdf cj/f]w / l9nfO{, a9\bf] /fhg}lts pb08tf, /fhg}lts lvrftfgL, ;Qfd'vL c:j:y k|lt:kwf{, u7aGwg ;/sf/sf] cfk;L dgf]dflnGotf, k/Dk/fut ;fdflhs ;+:s[lt / lxGb' dg':d[ltdf cfwfl/t hLjgz}nL, cjflG5t cGt/f{li6«o x:tIf]k, bftfd'vL of]hgf, lau|bf] zflGt ;'/Iff, ck/flws/0fsf] ;+:s[lt, le8tGq, /fhgLlt / k|zf;gsf] c;fd~h:otf cflb k|d"v r'gf}tLx? 5g\ . oBlk oL sl7gfO{x?nfO{ Joj:yfkg ug{ /fHosf ;a} zlQmx? Psh'6 eO{ cf–cfkm\gf] :t/af6 nfUg] xf] eg] dfq lglZrt?kdf Joj:yfkg ug{ ;lsG5 . ;LdfGts[t jf a+lrlts/0fdf k/]sf ;d"bfox?sf] d'2f ;Daf]wg ug]{ sfo{ nfdf] k|s[ofaf6 u'lh|g'k5{ . ctM ;/sf/, k|zf;g, /fhlglt1, cfdhgtf / ;DalGwt ;a} ;d"bfox? Psh'6 eP/ OdfGbfl/tfsf ;fy ;d:of tyf r'gf}tLx?nfO{ k|fylds/0f u/L k"0f{ k|lta¢tfsf ;fy nfUg] xf] eg] tL r'gf}tLx?sf] ;fdgf ug{ ;xh x'g] b]lvG5 . pk/f]Qm r'gf}tLx?nfO{ lgjf/0f ug{ /fHon] tyf ;Da¢ kIfn] ;j{k|yd zflGt k|s[ofnfO{ OdfGbfl/tfk"j{s cy{k"0f{ lgisif{ k'¥ofpg], ;+ljwfg ;ef / Joj:yflksf ;+;b lgoldt?kdf ;'rf? /fVg], ;8sdf c/fhs la/f]w dfkm{t p7fPsf d'2fx? ;+;bdf g} aftf{¢f/f 6'Ëofpg], laBdfg ;/sf/sf] 7"nf]bn g]=s=kf= dfcf]jfbL ;d]tnfO{ ;/sf/df NofO{ Psh'6 eP/ ;+sd0fsflng zf;lso cj:yfsf] Go"lgs/0f ub}{, /fHosf k|fyldstf k|fKt d'2fx?df qmda¢ tl/sfn] cufl8 a9\g'kg]{ clxn]sf] ckl/xfo{tf b]lvG5 .

zflGt Joj:yfkg / ;LdfGts[tsf d'2fx? ;Djf]wg laBdfg /fHok"g;{+/rgfsf ;Gbe{df Pscsf{sf] k"/s / cGt/;DalGwt b]lvPsf]n] lbuf] zflGtsf] :yfkgf / ;LdfGts[t ju{nfO{ ;bfsf nflu ;LdfGts[t jf a+lrltdf x'gaf6 hf]ufpg ;dfa]zLs/0f / ax'nafbsf cjwf/0ffx? canDjg ub}{ hfg' ckl/xfo{ 5 . o;/L /fi6«sf] ;Gt'lnt / ;dfa]zL ljsf;sf] ;f]r k|efjsf/L?kdf nfu" ug{ ;lsof] eg] b]zdf ljBdfg w]/} ;d:of tyf r'gf}tLx?sf] Go"lgs/0f eO{ cu|ufdL ;sf/fTds ;f]raf6 clek|]l/t /fHo k"g;{+/rgfsf] /fli6«o nIo / cleofg k|fKtL tyf lbuf] zflGt Jojyfkgdf d2t k'Ug]5 .

-n]vs zflGt tyf ¢Gb Joj:yfkg laz]if1 x'g'sf ;fy} g]kfn ;/sf/sf pk;lrj kbdf sfo{/t x'g'x'G5 . khpushkar@gmail.com)

Sunday, November 1, 2009

Nepal’s Dual Citizenship: A Suicidal Decision?

By Krishna Hari Pushkar,

Upcoming Dual Citizenship policy will be a big threat on democracy, sovereignty, integration and harmony in polity as well as in society too. Such stochastic policy could push our nation towards serious problem, if the government introduces the policy without analyzing the potential impact. Therefore, the government should go in open referendum accordance with the spirit of interim constitution before to approve the policy of dual citizenship.

The Non Residential Nepalese (NRN) has pressurized government to approve the dual citizenship policy and now government is almost agree on it. Sadly, there are misunderstandings among the people that NRN is only the people who are rich and living in rich country. Now, it’s time to be clear about the NRN. What about the 80-90 lakhs Nepalese who are living in India? What about the 4-5 laksh Nepalese who are living in Burma? What about the 3-4 lakhs Nepalese living Bhutan? For instance, let’s exclude the NRN people who have been living in prosperous country and prosperous profession and think what will happened if the described people come in Nepal and ask to be a part of dual citizenship?

I think most of them come in Nepal and will happily try to settle in Nepal permanently since the problem in Bhutan, Burma and India (see the problems and difficulties facing by Nepalese ethnic people in Assam etc.) have become huge headache for Nepalese ethnic people. I think most of them could easily establish relationship with Nepal and will able to fulfill all the required criteria to obtain citizenship.

We should be serious and learn first about our national capacity, limitation of resources, infrastructure and other related multifarious aspects. Just approving the dual citizenship is easy job for government, but to manage and maintain policy sustainably is more complex job. I think the citizenship includes the set of duties and responsibilities equally for a nation and individual too.

What happen if the all people come and ask the state to fulfill the constitutional, fundamental and human rights? Do you think that our nation is capable now to address the issues? Do you think the dual citizenship policy will prove profitable for Nepal? Isn’t it will be an additional burden of the nation? I think it will be a big threat on democracy, sovereignty, integration and harmony in polity as well as in society too. Such stochastic policy could push our nation towards serious problems, if the government introduces the policy without analyzing the potential impact.

Is there any research and homework conducted about the potential impact of dual citizenship policy with reference to Nepalese context?

Therefore, I request all stakeholders to be serious about the issue in timely; otherwise it will prove a suicidal step for the nation and the existing nationalities of Nepal. I am not sure but in my personal opinion, the government should go in open referendum before to approve the policy of dual citizenship.

Additional justification from Krishna Hari Pushkar:

Thank you. Please do understand that there is nothing to do with the NRN law and its definition. The major issues of dual citizenship are for those Nepalese who have been living abroad and have ended the Nepalese citizenship and also for those who are willing to do the same. Friends, pro-dual citizenship companion is based in a cagey logic that provision of dual citizenship will be helpful to attract FDI or private investment in Nepal from the so called limited rich people. However, you might know about the number of rich people who can really able to invest in Nepal. I think we could just count in finger about the number for such limited people, but you will lifelong unable to count the growing number of those people who seek for dual citizenship. You must know about the ratio of the people who want to invest in Nepal and the people who just want to have dual for their individual/personal benefit. May be millions of NRNs who are living abroad (India, Burma, Bhutan etc) will settle permanently in Nepal. Therefore, why should Nepal Government and people agree to provide dual citizenship? Could you provide any empirical justification? Do you know the number of people who want really investment and to be a part of socioeconomic development? I think Nepalese people are now aware and willing to know about the fact rather than the value.

Additional justification from Mr. Krishna Hari Pushkar:

In response to your argument, I would like to clear that I did not talk about those people who are only Nepalese speaking. But, I talked about those people who are inherent Nepalese and they migrated or left Nepal few decades ago due to employment or economical reasons. I am sure that they could obtain their Nepalese citizenship accordance with laws and could present enough proofs e.g. parental properties, blood relations, old voter list, lands and malpot related receipts etc. Most of the previously described non residential Nepalese have more than enough proofs to prove that they are well eligible to get “Bansaj Nagrikata”. Therefore, it should be clear that I talked about those non-residential Nepalese who are equally eligible as the defined nonresidential Nepalese who are living in so called developed and prosperous country.


Author's Bio: Mr. Pushkar was a DAAD fellow and studied research master in peace and conflict studies in Germany. In addition, he holds an internationally honored first class master degree in public administration. He has participated in dozens of national and international trainings, seminar, and workshops programs related to governance, migration, ethnicity, social inclusion, human rights, diplomacy, peace, security and conflict management in US, Europe and Asian countries. Mr. Pushkar often writes opinion articles, reports, conduct researches and publish commentary notes on the various contemporary issues related to the areas of his expertise, specially with reference to Nepal. He has been working under the Ministry of Home Affairs/Government of Nepal and well honored as a Peace, Security and Conflict Management Professional. Mr. Pushkar actively involves and also contributes regularly to the dozens of national and international nongovernmental organizations as a capacity of peace and conflict management expert.

Nepal's Tumbling Peace

Krishna Hari Pushkar

Every successful peace process has its time bound broader strategic norms along with an estimated destination. However, Nepal's peace process has been running in a mysterious rhythm. Neither the government itself nor related stakeholders are found serious, even the estimated destination of ongoing peace process of Nepal is under dubiousness. So, the ongoing peace process seems falling down into limbo. Appallingly, all larger and smaller parties attempt to take leadership of cabinet without caring the cost. There is no more seriousness whether the cost is insurgency or wreck or disposing existing peace process. As well, the diplomatic gravity is also being observed in centripetal pose to hop-on-hop-off the cabinet rather to gearing the peace process. Also, it has largely realized the ailing role of United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) and its continuous faulty stratagem has also become one of the most controversial and balking for the path to sustainable peace.

It is seen that all internal and external peace actors are visibly performing against the ethics of peace process and bouncing beyond the edge of comprehensive peace accord. So, how can Nepal's peace process go normally in such situation towards its expected end? Forlornly, it is hapless to describe that no any single direct and indirect actors found sincere and practically committed towards the success of ongoing peace process of Nepal. If the situation continues, it won't be surprising when the moist battalions decide to return jungle or government imposes special op against ethno-political combatants. It is unfortunate that some vested politicians' declares that re-insurgency or re-warfare is held in search of peace, however it has proved blunder to impel for “breach peace for peace”.

Many concerned people self-interact with bunch of FAQs on Nepal's peace process, where they often find less hopes for expected peace while interacting with honest hearts and minds, as people can easily observe the status quo anxious of ongoing peace process. There are very limited professionals involved in Nepal's' peace process. People feel sorry to see even the dishonesty, weakness, passiveness, and regressive attitudes of branded track 1, track 2 and track 3 diplomats. It is because the drawing, design and also involved technician of peace process have proved bluntly sprawled from its required standard. One of the weakest parts of the peace process is to be deficient in essential technical foundation and spares required for maintenance and cog during the motion while implementing the action plan of peace process. Frankly writing, the existing peace process's mechanism is a crowd of vested generalist, while a successful process required more specialists related to the entire areas and issues of respective peace process.

Specially, there are some most crosscutting dimensions of Nepal's peace process including the areas of constitution writing, government and governance system, combatant integration, social inclusion, restructuring of the nation, power share and division, equitable mainstreaming, balance development and particularly the issues related to ethno-regional problems of disadvantages and deprived groups. In addition, the equation gamble of primeministership has become also a like a virus affected dos-mode where most of the politicians and parties do not accept others' leadership to address the issue of peace process. Each of them has a consecutive attitude and believes that his or her supremacy is only the option that could take leadership and deal with the issue properly, which is one of the most untoward parts of the peace process. Unfortunately, no party is ready to accept others headship, whether the peace process collapses or get betrayed.

Ultimately, the general public is a sole victim of tumbling peace process of Nepal. The tumbling peace process can be treated by using various corrective methods. Therefore, all parties must understand that they are in interim transitional phases so, they should establish democratic multi party or multi party consensus government immediately before to take any decision regarding the peace process, if they really want to have true implementation of comprehensive peace accord.

The mutually agreed pluralistic government may helpful to enforce the decisions accordance with the spirit of comprehensive peace accord. Indeed, it will also assistive to move forward the constitution building and parliamentary process in democratic ways. Moreover, Track 1, 2 and 3 parties' requires productive involvement along with civic participation in special technical committees, which should broadly focus on efficient and effective peace process implementation, monitoring and supervision affairs. Nepal is passing through most fragile situation, so the security sector reform and democratization of state and non-state forces need to keep under special priority.

Naturally, general citizens specially the disadvantages and marginalized groups are expecting the honest implementation of social inclusion policy, social justice and mainstreaming policy in entire areas of the nation including political representation, employment and developmental affairs. Now expert illustrate that PLA integration and management is one of the most complex proportions of the peace process, so the justified and legitimated norms need to be developed which can prevent from the possible explode of cantonment based combatants.

Local as well as global pressure and efforts through the diplomatic system requires for maintaining and keeping curb to the peace process within rationale borderline. In addition, Nepal is a democratic country, so the true civil supremacy should be kept in the top priority but the heightening crisis over the peace and tumbling character in the peace process, governance, and government or even in the development works has created a crucial hegemony. Therefore, to prevent from the danger the peace process should be operated by a sustainable system in balance manner, otherwise peace can be breach any time and peace process will remains infinitely in tumbling position. The state and non-state peace pundits should carefully understand that peace has its two core frequencies which are psychological and physical peace assurances that must bring simultaneously to the general public, therefore ongoing faulty Nepal's' peace process must treat clinically to confiscate the crumpling technicalities of filtering peace process.

(Mr. Pushkar is a Peace and Conflict Management Expert and works under the Ministry of Home Affairs/Government of Nepal, Email: khpushkar@gmail.com )






Author's Bio: Mr. Pushkar was a DAAD fellow and studied research master in peace and conflict studies in Germany. In addition, he holds an internationally honored first class master degree in public administration. He has participated in dozens of national and international trainings, seminar, and workshops programs related to governance, migration, ethnicity, social inclusion, human rights, diplomacy, peace, security and conflict management in US, Europe and Asian countries. Mr. Pushkar often writes opinion articles, reports, conduct researches and publish commentary notes on the various contemporary issues related to the areas of his expertise, specially with reference to Nepal. He has been working under the Ministry of Home Affairs/Government of Nepal and well honored as a Peace, Security and Conflict Management Professional. Mr. Pushkar actively involves and also contributes regularly to the dozens of national and international nongovernmental organizations as a capacity of peace and conflict management expert.

Sunday, December 7, 2008

Security

By, Krishna Hari Pushkar,
Security
It is a multifarious term. The meaning of security is today based on various circumstances and contexts. Conventionally, security is meant similar as safety or protection. Scholar claims, it is a situation of being protected against danger, losses or any types of attacks. Accordingly, this paper begins with the fundamental discussions of the meaning and definition of security, which includes the several aspect and understandings. Afterward, it presents the meaning of security with essential explanations under three generations with its descriptive categories. Finally, the paper comes up with a summarized picture of Nepalese security apparatus. Lastly, it concludes with some concrete answers that what is the meaning of security today. Now the meaning of security is largely shifted and modified. Experts consider, “Generally the meaning of security is a kind of a state where people or institution or authority or groups feel full secured or feel albescence of any threaten or vulnerability from somewhere or someone in his /her life, liberty, property or activity, it could be in physical, psychological, emotional, social or economical forms.”
The term security is connected with the rule of law, freedoms, rights, peace or something that secures equally. Likewise, the meaning of security includes prevention, response and pre-emptive attacks. In broader term, today security means protection and prevention from physical, psychological, emotional, financials, environmental, economical, technological, & developmental damages and loss. It also includes the needy rights and privileges issues of the individuals, organizations, nations, regions or the particular groups that are supposed to be protected and prevented from any potential danger or onslaught.
In my observation, the meaning of security today may be offered technically under three generations: (a) First Generation: the people who are fighting for survival, living under the poverty line, struggling with hand to mouth problem and remained dependent on State & its welfare privileges are kept under this generation. The people mean today, the security is the prime duties and responsibility of government, so the protection and prevention from impending threat on their lives, liberty and properties may consider as security. Generally, they believe, the police and administration, insurances and social security mechanism are only the major source and actors of such security. These people are very traditional and do not well enough aware even about their rights, systems, rules, regulations and broader scope of security. There are huge mass of such people, specially in developing and least developed countries, (b) Second Generation: the people mean, “The security is the international & constitutional arrangements, which are enforced by the rule of law, it guards for justice, and protects and prevents from possible threats and vulnerabilities.” Further, this generation expects more than the first generation. They wish to enjoy all possible fundamental and human rights without having any disruptions or hindrances accordance with the laws of respective nation and international practices. And (c) Third Generation: the people mean that security is a kind of mental feeling, happiness and physical assurances for prevention, protection, and guard against all possible threats and vulnerability concerning the physical, economical, health, social, food, technological, cultural, industrial, ecological, rights and other issues that are important to the people, organization or particular nations.
Accordingly, the security may be classified as technological, physical, political and psychological categories. The technological category includes the areas of IT, network, machines or the domains that are related to the filed of technology and scientific development. The physical category includes the areas of business and commerce, insurance, products, food, money, health, tourism, water, home, goods, infrastructures, etc. The political category includes internal and external security, public security, immigration and migration, homeland etc. Finally, the psychological security includes mental attitude and feeling or satisfaction that assures people to live and conduct activities in fear-free manner.
The meaning of security reflects into practice when it is enforced by State through various mechanisms by introducing specific acts, rules, and regulations, orders, etc. Normally, every State has particular mechanisms for security. In Nepal, we maintain and enforce security through public and private authorities. However, the number and scope of private security company is comparatively very low in Nepal.
Further, Nepal is divided into seventy five districts and it has governmental security wings throughout the all districts and its regions. There are Civil Security Authority (Home Ministry and its direct wings), Nepal Police, Nepal Arm Police Force, National Investigation Department (Intelligence) & Department of Immigration etc are mainly active powers that are working for internal security.
The Ministry of Health, Ministry of Women, Children and Social Welfare, Education Ministry, Cultural Ministry, Ministry of Local Development, Local Governments etc, are accountable for social security. Similarly, the courts are responsible for judicial security and justices. Moreover, the external security (defense) is solely assigned for Nepal Army. Respectively, the technological security is under the responsibilities of Ministry of Science and Technology and its various institutions. However, there are no direct governmental authorities in Nepal that deals with the financial and commercials securities. Though, Ministry of Finance, FNCCI, Nepal Rastra Bank, and few insurances companies are partially working on it with the help of police and general administration too.
The understanding of security is today being drastically changed even In Nepal, since Maoists joined comprehensive peace process in 2006 after decade long bloodshed Guerrilla warfare. Before, people was just talking about physical protection or seeking for survival only, though they are now asking for all types of possible security, which are discussed above. Hence, the meaning of security is based on perception, attitude, context and need. The developed world e.g. US, Europe, Australia, Japan, Canada etc. are adopting and practicing advance meaning of security, at the same time the country like Iraq, Nepal, Afghanistan, Liberia, Somalia, Rwanda, etc are not being even capable to enforce the basic meaning of security as mentioned in first generation section.
The security is a matter of high importance and interconnected issues for everyone. The globally integrated meaning and efforts for security are essential today since all human beings are equal as per norms of UN Universal Declaration of Human-Rights 1948, otherwise it is difficult to achieve sustainable peace, and to prevent and protect from the poverty, terrorism, threat, crime, attack, discrimination, abuse of rights and more.
Hence, the developed nations must help developing countries to improve and enforce the better meaning and practice of efficient and effective security system to cope with their emerging challenges. I observe there are immense gap among various people about the meaning and understanding of security. The meaning of security today is different and depends on the situation, nature of need and the level of people and their culture. However, there are some common characters in all types of meaning today that security is a legitimated legalized system or a kind of arrangement for protection, prevention, assurances, and preparedness against possible attacks, threats, damages and injury.

(Author is a Peace and Conflict Management Professional and Currently Associated with Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of Nepal)

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