Issues of Marginalized Community in Peace Management

Issues of Marginalized Community in Peace Management

zflGt Joj:yfkgdf ;LdfGtLs[t ju{sf d'2fx?

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Gf]kfn clxn] ¢Gbsf] bf]x/f] ljifd kl/l:ytLaf6 u'lh|/x]sf] 5 . g]kfn ;/sf/ / g]=s=kf= dfcf]jfbLlarsf] j[xQ zflGt ;Demf}tf, @)^# kl5 Psflt/ ¢GbkZrftsf] ;Da]bgzLn cj:yf 5 eg] csf]{lt/ b]zsf sltko e"–efux?df bh{gf} ;z:qwf/L ;d'xx? e'ldut?kdf /fHo lj?4 ;z:q o'¢ nl8/x]sf] eofjx l:ylt 5 . o; zflGt / ¢Gbljrsf] ;+s|d0fsfnLg kl/j]zdf b]zdf zflGt Joj:yfkg / /fHo k"g;{+/rgfsf] ckl/xfo{ cfofdsf?kdf ;LdfGtLs[t ju{, ;d"bfosf d'2fx?sf] ;Gt'lnt ;Daf]wg cToGt dxTjk"0f{ / r'gf}tLk"0f{ klg 5g\ . x'gtf ;LdfGtLs[t ;d"bfosf d'2fx? k|efjsf/L?kdf /fli6«o k|fyldstfdf kg'{sf] k|d'v sf/0fsf] k5fl8 dfcf]jfbL sf] ;z:q hgo'¢, dw]z cfGbf]ng OTofbL g}] x'g\ . ljutsf zf;gsfndf klg oL d'2fx? gp7]sf jf k|of; g} gePsf eg] kSs} xf]Ogg\ tyflk a[xQ zflGt ;Demf}tf kZrft o;sf] ;Dj]bgzLntf / k|fyldstfn] ljz]if cfsf/, k|sf/, :j?k, dfGotf kfO{ dxTjk"0f{ /fli6«o Ph]G8fsf] ?kdf :yflkt ePsf] 5 .

Gf]kfndf ;LdfGts[t sf] x'g eg]/ ;f]Wbf, o;sf] 7f]; / :ki6?kdf slx st} sfg'gL / j}w pQ/ kfOb}g . tyflk ;LdfGts[t eGgfn] To:tf] ;d'xnfO{ a'lemG5 h'g /fHosf] d"nk|jfxaf6 lgs} k/ x'G5 . To:tf ;d"xx? jlGrlts/0fdf k/]sf jf kfl/Psf x'G5g / cg]sf} ;fdflhs, cfly{s, ;f:s[lts ;d:ofx?n] lkl8t / zf]lift x'G5g\ . oL ;d'xx? Gofof]lrt?kdf klxrfg, kx'Fr, k|ltlglwTj, :jfldTj, ;xeflutf / ;j{flË0f ljsf;sf cj;/x?af6 jflGrtLdf k/]sf jf kfl/Psf x'G5g . o:tf ;d"xx?sf] kl/efiff / ;'r+sfÍ ;fk]lIft x'g] tyf lglZrt ;do / cj:yfdf cf–cfkm\gf /fi6«sf] cj:yfg';f/ kl/jt{gd'vL x'G5g\ . g]kfnsf] kl/k|]Ifdf ;LdfGts[t ju{df vf; u/]/ clt ul/j, ;'s'Djf;L, cNk;+Vos ;d'bfox?, lkl5l8Psf ju{, dlxnf, ckfË, blntx?, nf]kf]Gd'v ljleGg cflbjf;L hghftLx? / oL leqsf klg sdhf]/ ju{ / cfly{s ;fdflhs ?kn] k5fl8 k/]sf, cfwf/e't cfjZostf klg k'/f x'g g;Sg] cj:yfsf] hLjgofkg ug{ afWo ju{x? kb{5g\ . ;LdfGts[tsf] cfw'lgs kl/efiffn] t]>f] lnËL ;d]tnfO{ hgfpb5 . ;f]emf] cy{df eGg' kbf{, /fHo / tLgsf vf; ;De|fGt JolQm jf ;d'bfox?sf] k|ToIf jf ck|ToIf /0fgLltn] ;LdfGts[t ;d"bfox?sf] cfly{s, ;fdflhs, /fhg}lts, k|zf;gLs nufotsf clwsf/x? s'lG7t ul/Psf] x'G5 . logLx?sf] dfgj clwsf/, df}lns clwsf/x? cGt/f{li6«o tyf /fli6«o sfg'gx?af6 ;'lglZrt ul/Psf] h:tf] b]lvG5 t/ Aojxf/tM sfof{Gjogdf cfPsf x'b}gg kmn:j?k ;LdfGts[t ;w} ;LdfGts[t x'ghfG5 .

ljZjsf] cg'ejn] s] b]vfPsf] 5 eg], ;LdfGtLs[tx?sf] d'2fx? ;:tf] nf]slk|otf sdfpgsf nflu pkof]uL x'g] / oL d'2fx? cufl8 ;f/]/ ;z:q ¢Gb jf /fhg}lts cfGbf]ng jf s|flGt ug{ ;xh x'g] b]lvG5 . o;df ;LdfGtLs[t ju{ ;lhn} pTk|]l/t x'G5g / ck|Tofl;t ?kdf o'¢ jf cfGbf]ngdf ;lhn} xf]ldG5g . ctM oL ju{nfO{ nf]e nfnrdf e'nfP/ / nnfO{kmsfO{ ljb|f]xL kIfx?n] cToflws pkof]u ug]{ / o'4 jf cfGbf]ngsf] km|G6nfO{gdf /fVg] ub{5g . kmn:j?k /fHokIf / ljb|f]xLkIf b'j}af6 ;d]t ;f+3flts?kdf a9L lkl8t x'g] / s]lx ;Lldt -/fhg}lts_ ju{sf] pkef]usf] ju{ x'ghfG5, ;LdfGts[t ;d'bfox? . h;n] ubf{ logLx?sf] cj:yfdf kl/jt{g / pTyfg ug{ emg} sl7g x'g hfG5 .

w}/} h;f] ¢Gb cg';Gwfgstf{x?sf] Ps dt s]df kfOG5 eg], dfcf]jfbL hgo'¢ xg'sf k|d'v sf/0fx? / o;df hg;dy{g x'g'df ;LdfGts[t ;d'bfox?sf d'2fx?n] k|d"vtf kfpg' g} xf] . h:t}M ax'jlGrlts/0f, 5'jf5't, ;fdflhs plTk8g, zf]if0f / ;fdGtL ;+:sf/sf] ;+:s[lt, hftLo cf}klgif]zjfbsf] ;+/rgfut hl6ntf, ul/jLsf] b'irqm / s'zf;gsf] a9\bf] k|efj h:tf d'2fx?sf] ;Daf]wg ug{ /fHosf] cu|ufdL k"g;+{/rgf ug]{ hgo'¢sf gf/fx? lyP . cyf{t hgo''4sf] sf/s cfwf/ x]bf{ o;n] /fhg}lts jf k|zf;lgseGbf ;fdflhstkm{sf] If]q a9L ;d]6]sf] b]lvG5 . hgo'¢sfndf a]/f]huf/nfO{ hflu/ lbg], ;'s'Djf;LnfO{ hUuf lbg], sfo{stf{nfO{ g]tf, eQf / dGqL agfpg], ul/jnfO{ ;xh} wgL agfpg] h:tf hl6n ;kgfx? ;:tf]?kdf /0fg}lts tj/n] ckgfOPsf] o;sf yk k|df0fx? x'g\ . lautsf hgo'4 xf]; jf dw]z cfGbf]ngsf cfFwLj]x/L xf];, lnDa'jfg, v'Da'jfg, yf?jfg cfGbf]ngsf dfu xf]; ;a}df ;LdfGtLs[t s} d'2fx? cufl8 ;f/]sf] b]lvG5 . kmn:j?k /fHon] ca :jLsf/ ul/;s]sf] 5 ls, ;LdfGts[tsf d'2fx? s] x'g / o;nfO{ s;/L ;Daf]wg ug{] . /fHon] xfn} ;'? u/]sf] k|of; x}bf{ ;j}eGbf a9L >f]t, zlQm / ;+/rgfx? ;LdfGs[tsf d'2fx? ;Daf]wg tkm{ pGd'v ePsf] b]lvG5 . ;j} kIfx?n] s] a'emL;s]sf 5g eg] ;LdfGts[t ju{nfO{ cem a9L pk]Iff slxst} af6 eof] eg] ljBdfg rln/x]sf] zflGt k|lqmof e+u x'g] vt/f dfq xf]Og /fHo k"g;+{/rgfsf] clei6 aiff}{aif{ k5fl8 ws]lng ;S5 . /fHosf] zf;lso Joj:yf d'7e]8 pGd'v xg;S5 / /fHo k'gM ;z:q 4Gbsf] sfnf] o'udf df]l8g]] afWofTds cj:yf ;[hgf x'g;S5 . cTfM ca x'g nfu]sf] /fHo k"g;{+/rgfsf] ;DjGwdf oL ;LdfGts[t au{x?sf] ;d:of ;Djf]wg ug'{ l;Ëf] g]kfn /fi6«sf ;fd' 7"nf] cj;/, r'gf}tL / xfFssf] ?kdf plePsf] 5 .

ljZjsf] cg'ej x]g{] xf] eGf], zflGTf Joj:yfkg / /fHo k'g;{+/rgfsf] ;Gbe{df ;LdfGtLs[t ;d"bfox?sf] d'2fx?sf] ;Daf]wg ug]{ k|d"v txM b'O{j6f l;¢fGtdf cfwfl/t ljlwx? 5g\ . k|yd, ;dfj]zLs/0f / bf]>f] ax'njfbsf cjwf/0ff a[xt?kdf ;LdfGtLs[tsf kIfw/ dflgG5g\ . ;dfj]zLs/0fn] ;LdfGtLs[t jf jlGrtLs/0fdf kg'{kg{] kl/l:yltsf] cGtsf] kl/sNkgf ub{5 eg], ax'nafbn] ljljwtfnfO{ Pstfsf] ;'qdf ufF;L ;fdflhs, ;f:s[lts ;b\efjsf] alnof] hu agfpb} /fli6«o Pstf / /fi6« lgdf{0fdf 7"nf] 6]jf k'¥ofpFb5 h'g cd]l/sf, SofGff8f / o'/f]ksf d'n'sx?sf cg'ejn] k|dfl0ft ul/;s]sf] 5 .

g]kfndf klg ;dfj]zLs/0fsf ljleGg pkfox? cjnDag ug{ yflnPsf] 5 h'g lglZrt ?kdf s]lx xb;Dd ;/fxgLo 5 . g]kfndf klg cGo d'n'sx? h:tf] ;+j}wflgs Joj:yf -df}lns xssf] dxn_, lgjf{rg k|0ffnL -;dfg'kflts_, k|zf;lgs lg0f{ox? -/fhg}lts lgo'lQm tyf dgf]gog_, /fhg}lts ;+/rgfdf ljljwtf / If]lqo k|ltlglwTjsf] ;+:s[lt pGd'v, ;dfa]zL tyf n}+lusd}qL lasf; Joj:yfkg, sfg"g¢f/f g} ;sf/fTds lje]b, cf/If0f, sf]6f h:tf Joj:yfsf] k|of;x? ;/fxlgo 5 . o;sf cltl/Qm ;fdflhs Gofo / ;fdflhs ;'/Iffsf] nflu klg ah]6 / laleGg sfo{qmdx? Dffkm{t ul/Psf k|of;sf] yfngL klg ;sf/fTds dfGg ;lsG5 . o;sf tTsfn k|efj x]g]{ xf] eg] ljBdfg ;+;b / ;+ljwfg;efsf] ;dfa];L rl/q / ;+/rgf, ax'n k|ltlglwTjdf cfwfl/t dlGqkl/ifb\sf] u7g, ;Da}wflgs c+ux?df yf]/} ;+Vof ePklg ;Gt'lnt k|ltlglwTj, ;/sf/L ;]jfx?df ;LdfGtLs[t au{sf] a9bf] k|ltlglwTj pGd'v h:tf pknAwLx? ;LdfGtLs[t ju{sf lxtdf ePsf pNn]vlgo k|of;x? x'g\ . t/ xfn /fHon] canDjg u/]sf] ;dfa]zLs/0fsf] k|s[ofut / sfo{ut k2lt kl/j]z ;'xfpbf] / a}1flgs ;+:s[ltdf cfwfl/t b]lvb}g . ctM o;nfO{ a[xt cWoog / pko'Qm Joj:yfkg u/L tTsfn ;'wf/ ug'{kg]{ vfrf] 5 . ;f] gul/Pdf xr'jfdf cfwfl/t o; ;+qmd0fsflng ;dfa]zLs/0fsf] gLltnfO{ lg/Gt/tf lbO{of] eg] eljiodf o;n] yk hl6ntf / ;d:of Nofpg ;S5 . ctM ;dodf g} cfaZos ;ts{tf ckgfO{ cfaZos ;'wf/sf k|of; yflng' h?/L 5 .

;a}eGbf dxTjk"0f{ laifo s] 5 eg], g]kfndf cd"s hft, lnË, ju{, If]qsf / ;d'bfosf JolQmnfO{ xf]n]l:6s?kdf ;LdfGtLs[t egL tf]lsPsf] 5 t/ o;sf cfwf/x? :ki6 5}gg\ . pbfx/0fsf]nflu z]kf{, ysfnL eGgf;fy ;a} z]kf{, ysfnL ;LdfGtLs[t egL a'lemg] clxn]sf] kl/efiff 5 . h;nfO{ ;dfhzf:q, cy{zf:q jf /fhgLltzf:qsf] s'g}klg cjwf/0ffn] jf l;¢fGtn] ;xL k'li6 ub}g . ctM xr'jf jf le8tGqsf] bjfjdf l;ldt /fhgLlts jf ;fdflhs :jfy{ k"lt{ ug{ ;:tf] nf]slk|otfdf cfwfl/t eP/ ag]sf] kl/efiffsf] ?kfGt/0f tYok/s / a}1flgs?kdf dfGotf k|fKt j}w cfly{s ;fdflhs ;'rsfÍsf] ljsf; u/L x'g'kb{5 . of] yfxf ePs} s'/f xf] ls, hftkft, 5jf5't k|0ffnL nf]stGq, ljsf; / dfgj clwsf/sf k|d"v afws x'g\ . cem k"gM o;}nfO{ g} km]l/ cu|ufdL kl/at{g, ;dfa]zL / ;Gt'lnt ljsf;sf] cfwf/ dfg]/ u}/;LdfGtLs[t jf a+lrlts/0f df kb}{gkg]{ ;d"xnfO{ o;df /fv]/ cufl8 a9\g' eg]sf] ;flRrs} ;LdfGts[t ju{sf] la?¢ cGofo ug'{ xf] . s]lx ckafb afx]s clxn] xfdLn] ;LdfGts[tsf] a|fG8 lbPsf] w]/} ;d"bfox?df pRr ;fdflhs cfly{s hLjgofkg ug]{ JolQmx? 5g\ t/ klg Tolx hft, ju{ jf lnË leq kg]{ ePs} sf/0fn] dfq ;LdfGts[t sbflk dfGg ;lsb}g .

;LdfGts[tx?nfO{ ;dfa]zLs/0f ubf{ k"0f{txM a}1flgs k2lt cjnDjg x'g'kb{5 / o;sf] ;Defljt nlIft ju{x?sf] tYofÍ ;+sng tyf Joj:yfkg Ps pRr:tl/o /fli6«o:t/sf] cfof]u dfkm{t k|To]s ;Defljt nlIft JolQmx?sf] k|f]kmfOlnª ljZn]if0f u/L lglZrt cjlwsf] nflu ;LdfGts[t k|df0fkq lbg] Joj:yf ul/g'kb{5 . ;LdfGts[t ju{sf] Joj:yfkg / d"nk|jflxs/0fsf] ;a} Joj:yfklso sfo{sf] lhDdf Tolx cfof]u dfkm{t ul/g' kb{5 . cGoyf ;LdfGts[tsf] gfddf ;w} Tolx 6f7faf7f / k/Dk/fut?kdf klg ;LdfGts[tleq s} ;e|fGt ju{n] kmfO{bf lng] / zf]lift lkl8t ;w} oyfl:yltdf /lx/xg] cj:yfn] lg/Gt/tf kfpg;S5 .

¢Gb jf c/fhstf km}nfpg s'g} 7"nf] hdft jf ;d"x rflxb}g . ctM olb ;flRrs} ;LdfGts[t ju{x?sf] klxrfg u/L pTyfg ug]{ xf] eg] dfq ljBdfg zflGt k|s[ofsf] Joj:yfkg ;xh x'g;S5 . cGoyf ;LdfGts[t ju{sf] ;Djf]wg k|efjsf/L?kdf ePg eg] /fHo k"g;{+/rgf kZrft kl5 klg /fHo k"gM lbw{sflng ¢Gbsf] b'irqmdf km:g;S5 . ;LdfGts[tsf] gfddf vf]qmf] /fhgLlt ul/of] / ;:tf] nf]slk|otf afl8of] eg] clxn]nfO{ dfq xf]O{g eljiosf] ;GttLnfO{ ;d]t 7"nf] ;+s6 lgDTofpg ;S5 . ctM ;DjlGwt ;a} lgsfox? clt ;Dj]bgzLn / ;+oldt eO{ ;LdfGts[tsf d'2fx? ;Djf]wgdf Psh'6 eO{ nfUg OdfGbf/L ;lxtsf] k|lta¢ x'g'kb{5 .

;a} hft, wd{ ;+:s[ltnfO{ /fli6«o dfGotf / :yfg lbg', Ps efiff Ps e]ifsf] /fli6«o klxrfgsf] ;+:s[ltnfO{ tf]8\b} ax' efiff, e]ife'iff ;+:s[tLdf ?kfGt/0f ug]{, PsfTdsaf6 ;+3fTds zf;lso k2ltsf] :jLsf/f]lQm, wd{lg/k]Iftf O{Toflb tkm{ kfO{nf ;fg]{ /fHosf] xfn}sf k|of;nfO{ ljljwtfnfO{ ax'nafbtkm{ pGd'v u/fpg] 7"nf] km8\sf] xf] eGg ;lsG5 . /fhgLlts lgo'lQm, dgf]gog / lgjf{rg k2ltdf ckgfO{Psf] ;dfg'kflts k|ltlglwTjsf] k|0ffnLsf] ;'?jftnfO{ ax'njfb tkm{sf] yk pGd'vtfsf] cem ;/fxlgo k|of; dfGg ;lsG5 . clxn]sf oL k|of;x? lglZrt?kdf k"0f{ / k|of{Kt geP tfklg lawdfg ;+sd0fsflng ca:yfdf olt;Ddsf] pknlAwnfO{ sf]z]9'Ëf dfGg ;lsG5 .

g]kfn lawdfg /fHo k"gM;+/rgfsf] kl/k|]Iodf lbuf] zflGt Joj:yfkgsf] ;+sd0fsflng sl7g df]8af6 u'h|L/x]sf]n] cl;ldt r'gf}tLx? 5g\ . g]kfnsf] ;+ljwfg tyf zf;lso ;+rfngsf] cfwf/ cfk;L /fhg}lts ;xdlt x'g'sf] ;§f ;Qfdf]xsf] v]n, zflGt ;Demf}tfsf] sfof{Gjogdf lgis[otf, Joj:yflksf ;+;b / ;+ljwfg;efsf] lg/f;fhgs sfo{;Dkfbg:t/, ;+ljwfg lgdf{0f k|s[ofdf cj/f]w / l9nfO{, a9\bf] /fhg}lts pb08tf, /fhg}lts lvrftfgL, ;Qfd'vL c:j:y k|lt:kwf{, u7aGwg ;/sf/sf] cfk;L dgf]dflnGotf, k/Dk/fut ;fdflhs ;+:s[lt / lxGb' dg':d[ltdf cfwfl/t hLjgz}nL, cjflG5t cGt/f{li6«o x:tIf]k, bftfd'vL of]hgf, lau|bf] zflGt ;'/Iff, ck/flws/0fsf] ;+:s[lt, le8tGq, /fhgLlt / k|zf;gsf] c;fd~h:otf cflb k|d"v r'gf}tLx? 5g\ . oBlk oL sl7gfO{x?nfO{ Joj:yfkg ug{ /fHosf ;a} zlQmx? Psh'6 eO{ cf–cfkm\gf] :t/af6 nfUg] xf] eg] dfq lglZrt?kdf Joj:yfkg ug{ ;lsG5 . ;LdfGts[t jf a+lrlts/0fdf k/]sf ;d"bfox?sf] d'2f ;Daf]wg ug]{ sfo{ nfdf] k|s[ofaf6 u'lh|g'k5{ . ctM ;/sf/, k|zf;g, /fhlglt1, cfdhgtf / ;DalGwt ;a} ;d"bfox? Psh'6 eP/ OdfGbfl/tfsf ;fy ;d:of tyf r'gf}tLx?nfO{ k|fylds/0f u/L k"0f{ k|lta¢tfsf ;fy nfUg] xf] eg] tL r'gf}tLx?sf] ;fdgf ug{ ;xh x'g] b]lvG5 . pk/f]Qm r'gf}tLx?nfO{ lgjf/0f ug{ /fHon] tyf ;Da¢ kIfn] ;j{k|yd zflGt k|s[ofnfO{ OdfGbfl/tfk"j{s cy{k"0f{ lgisif{ k'¥ofpg], ;+ljwfg ;ef / Joj:yflksf ;+;b lgoldt?kdf ;'rf? /fVg], ;8sdf c/fhs la/f]w dfkm{t p7fPsf d'2fx? ;+;bdf g} aftf{¢f/f 6'Ëofpg], laBdfg ;/sf/sf] 7"nf]bn g]=s=kf= dfcf]jfbL ;d]tnfO{ ;/sf/df NofO{ Psh'6 eP/ ;+sd0fsflng zf;lso cj:yfsf] Go"lgs/0f ub}{, /fHosf k|fyldstf k|fKt d'2fx?df qmda¢ tl/sfn] cufl8 a9\g'kg]{ clxn]sf] ckl/xfo{tf b]lvG5 .

zflGt Joj:yfkg / ;LdfGts[tsf d'2fx? ;Djf]wg laBdfg /fHok"g;{+/rgfsf ;Gbe{df Pscsf{sf] k"/s / cGt/;DalGwt b]lvPsf]n] lbuf] zflGtsf] :yfkgf / ;LdfGts[t ju{nfO{ ;bfsf nflu ;LdfGts[t jf a+lrltdf x'gaf6 hf]ufpg ;dfa]zLs/0f / ax'nafbsf cjwf/0ffx? canDjg ub}{ hfg' ckl/xfo{ 5 . o;/L /fi6«sf] ;Gt'lnt / ;dfa]zL ljsf;sf] ;f]r k|efjsf/L?kdf nfu" ug{ ;lsof] eg] b]zdf ljBdfg w]/} ;d:of tyf r'gf}tLx?sf] Go"lgs/0f eO{ cu|ufdL ;sf/fTds ;f]raf6 clek|]l/t /fHo k"g;{+/rgfsf] /fli6«o nIo / cleofg k|fKtL tyf lbuf] zflGt Jojyfkgdf d2t k'Ug]5 .

-n]vs zflGt tyf ¢Gb Joj:yfkg laz]if1 x'g'sf ;fy} g]kfn ;/sf/sf pk;lrj kbdf sfo{/t x'g'x'G5 . khpushkar@gmail.com)

Nepal's Tumbling Peace

Krishna Hari Pushkar

Every successful peace process has its time bound broader strategic norms along with an estimated destination. However, Nepal's peace process has been running in a mysterious rhythm. Neither the government itself nor related stakeholders are found serious, even the estimated destination of ongoing peace process of Nepal is under dubiousness. So, the ongoing peace process seems falling down into limbo. Appallingly, all larger and smaller parties attempt to take leadership of cabinet without caring the cost. There is no more seriousness whether the cost is insurgency or wreck or disposing existing peace process. As well, the diplomatic gravity is also being observed in centripetal pose to hop-on-hop-off the cabinet rather to gearing the peace process. Also, it has largely realized the ailing role of United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) and its continuous faulty stratagem has also become one of the most controversial and balking for the path to sustainable peace.

It is seen that all internal and external peace actors are visibly performing against the ethics of peace process and bouncing beyond the edge of comprehensive peace accord. So, how can Nepal's peace process go normally in such situation towards its expected end? Forlornly, it is hapless to describe that no any single direct and indirect actors found sincere and practically committed towards the success of ongoing peace process of Nepal. If the situation continues, it won't be surprising when the moist battalions decide to return jungle or government imposes special op against ethno-political combatants. It is unfortunate that some vested politicians' declares that re-insurgency or re-warfare is held in search of peace, however it has proved blunder to impel for “breach peace for peace”.

Many concerned people self-interact with bunch of FAQs on Nepal's peace process, where they often find less hopes for expected peace while interacting with honest hearts and minds, as people can easily observe the status quo anxious of ongoing peace process. There are very limited professionals involved in Nepal's' peace process. People feel sorry to see even the dishonesty, weakness, passiveness, and regressive attitudes of branded track 1, track 2 and track 3 diplomats. It is because the drawing, design and also involved technician of peace process have proved bluntly sprawled from its required standard. One of the weakest parts of the peace process is to be deficient in essential technical foundation and spares required for maintenance and cog during the motion while implementing the action plan of peace process. Frankly writing, the existing peace process's mechanism is a crowd of vested generalist, while a successful process required more specialists related to the entire areas and issues of respective peace process.

Specially, there are some most crosscutting dimensions of Nepal's peace process including the areas of constitution writing, government and governance system, combatant integration, social inclusion, restructuring of the nation, power share and division, equitable mainstreaming, balance development and particularly the issues related to ethno-regional problems of disadvantages and deprived groups. In addition, the equation gamble of primeministership has become also a like a virus affected dos-mode where most of the politicians and parties do not accept others' leadership to address the issue of peace process. Each of them has a consecutive attitude and believes that his or her supremacy is only the option that could take leadership and deal with the issue properly, which is one of the most untoward parts of the peace process. Unfortunately, no party is ready to accept others headship, whether the peace process collapses or get betrayed.

Ultimately, the general public is a sole victim of tumbling peace process of Nepal. The tumbling peace process can be treated by using various corrective methods. Therefore, all parties must understand that they are in interim transitional phases so, they should establish democratic multi party or multi party consensus government immediately before to take any decision regarding the peace process, if they really want to have true implementation of comprehensive peace accord.

The mutually agreed pluralistic government may helpful to enforce the decisions accordance with the spirit of comprehensive peace accord. Indeed, it will also assistive to move forward the constitution building and parliamentary process in democratic ways. Moreover, Track 1, 2 and 3 parties' requires productive involvement along with civic participation in special technical committees, which should broadly focus on efficient and effective peace process implementation, monitoring and supervision affairs. Nepal is passing through most fragile situation, so the security sector reform and democratization of state and non-state forces need to keep under special priority.

Naturally, general citizens specially the disadvantages and marginalized groups are expecting the honest implementation of social inclusion policy, social justice and mainstreaming policy in entire areas of the nation including political representation, employment and developmental affairs. Now expert illustrate that PLA integration and management is one of the most complex proportions of the peace process, so the justified and legitimated norms need to be developed which can prevent from the possible explode of cantonment based combatants.

Local as well as global pressure and efforts through the diplomatic system requires for maintaining and keeping curb to the peace process within rationale borderline. In addition, Nepal is a democratic country, so the true civil supremacy should be kept in the top priority but the heightening crisis over the peace and tumbling character in the peace process, governance, and government or even in the development works has created a crucial hegemony. Therefore, to prevent from the danger the peace process should be operated by a sustainable system in balance manner, otherwise peace can be breach any time and peace process will remains infinitely in tumbling position. The state and non-state peace pundits should carefully understand that peace has its two core frequencies which are psychological and physical peace assurances that must bring simultaneously to the general public, therefore ongoing faulty Nepal's' peace process must treat clinically to confiscate the crumpling technicalities of filtering peace process.

(Mr. Pushkar is a Peace and Conflict Management Expert and works under the Ministry of Home Affairs/Government of Nepal, Email: khpushkar@gmail.com )

Author's Bio: Mr. Pushkar was a DAAD fellow and studied research master in peace and conflict studies in Germany. In addition, he holds an internationally honored first class master degree in public administration. He has participated in dozens of national and international trainings, seminar, and workshops programs related to governance, migration, ethnicity, social inclusion, human rights, diplomacy, peace, security and conflict management in US, Europe and Asian countries. Mr. Pushkar often writes opinion articles, reports, conduct researches and publish commentary notes on the various contemporary issues related to the areas of his expertise, specially with reference to Nepal. He has been working under the Ministry of Home Affairs/Government of Nepal and well honored as a Peace, Security and Conflict Management Professional. Mr. Pushkar actively involves and also contributes regularly to the dozens of national and international nongovernmental organizations as a capacity of peace and conflict management expert.

Nepal in transition: abolishing the monarchy

Nepal in transition: abolishing the monarchy

Santosh Giri [advocate/human rights lawyer, Supreme Court of Nepal]: "The abolition of Nepal’s nearly 240-year-old monarchy and declaration of Nepal as a "federal, democratic, republican state" was made by an overwhelming majority in the interim parliament late last month. 270 members in the 329-member House of Representatives voted on December 27, 2007 in favor of ending the monarchy (3 pro-monarchists cast against the motion while the rest abstained). However, Nepal will become a republic only after the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly, which is due to be elected by mid-April next year. The decision also serves to put the peace process back on track and paves the way for elections notwithstanding the fact that elections have been postponed three times since June 2006. Constituent Assembly seats has been increased from 497 to 601, of which 335 (58%) will be elected on the basis of proportional representation, with 240 to be directly elected and 26 to be nominated by the country's cabinet.

Background

Since 1990 restoration of democracy, there were 3 elections in 1991, 1996 and 1999. Numerous governments were formed and numerous failed. The parliament was dissolved in 2002 which paved way for an absolute monarchy again. In 2005, the king staged a coup d’état. Seven major political parties united and formed an alliance with the Maoists to overthrow the king in April 2006 after dozens of innocent killings. In April 2006, the king restored the parliament which eventually led to abolishment of the monarchy. The November 2006 agreement between the political parties and the Maoists came as a peace pact which enabled a cease-fire and temporarily ending the conflict in which more than 13,000 people died since 1996. In January 2007 the Maoists entered the parliament and the cabinet in April 2007. In September 2007, the Maoists walked out of the government citing differences and demanding fulfillment of their demands of abolishment of monarchy and restructuring of the electoral system. They also threatened to quit the parliament in December 2007 if their demands were not met. Meanwhile the Constituent Assembly elections were postponed thrice, firstly citing lack of preparedness, secondly unfavorable security situation and thirdly the Maoists opposition. In December 2007, a new accord was signed which agreed on both demands and the Maoists reentered the cabinet. In December 2007, the parliament with a majority decision abolished the monarchy (subjected to ratification by the Constituent Assembly Parliament) and restructured the electoral system.

Nonetheless, the Maoists continuously lost support because of continued terrorism through splinter groups such as Madheshi Janadhikar Forum (MJF), Janatantrik Terai Mukti Morcha (JTMM) etc and its sister organizations such as Young Communist league, All Nepal Free Student Union (Revolutionary), All Nepal Free Trade Union (Revolutionary) and others. Extortion, protection, murder, kidnapping, disappearance, property seizure, forced displacement, forced recruitment and censorship against newspapers are rampant. Moreover, in the southern Terai plains region they have been involved in inter-ethnic rivalry, resulting in several deaths. The seven-party alliance, on the other hand is widely criticized for its lack of control over the heightened insecurity, increase in crime and impunity.

Nepal's transition from a monarchy to a republic

Nepal’s monarchy has drastically changed from being traditional, titular, democratic, absolute and stripped-off-powers until recently. The recent abolishment of monarchy has shelved the 240 year old rule in the history forever. A challenging transition phase is yet to be completed for a complete transformation to a republic. Since April 2006 parliament has made strong decisions on monarchy such as stripping off its powers, titles, rights and privileges of the king and finally the abolishment of the institution.

Criticisms are widely being drawn regarding the abolishment of the monarchy based on the following:

(a) Uncertain Elections: Uncertainty of elections still persists amidst ongoing Terai (Southern Plains) Crisis, where several violent and non-violent groups have put forth demands to ensure the rights of the Madheshis (people from the Southern Plains) who have been discriminated historically in all walks of life. Many doubt if an election will ever occur for some time! If there is no election, there is no endorsement! In an event the election go through, it will be obliged to endorse the motion of abolishment of the monarchy and will not have the power to amend or reject it.

(b) Just a Fuel: The recent decision is also understood as a last resort to elongate the November 2006 agreement between the Seven Party Alliance and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) which seemed to be breaking away until December 2007. There were vows from the Maoists to quit parliament after they walked out of the government and to take up arms again to wage a ‘decisive war’. That agreement came three months after Maoist rebels had walked out of the government in September 2007, demanding immediate abolition of the centuries old institution. The abolition of the monarchy and change in electoral laws has been two key campaigning issues for the CPN-M.

(c) The South Block: India has been against the idea of abolishing the monarchy as much as Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) which insists that the monarchy in Nepal is essential for the sake of Hinduism.

(d) A Ploy of the SPA-M Alliance: There have been accusations from the Terai based parties and groups that the agreement and the recent decision is nothing but a mere ploy to give continuance to the ruling government which comprises of seven major parties and the Maoists. Accusations also raise serious concern over the lack of proper action by the government on the nations increasing insurgency and displacement of the citizens.

(e) Pro-monarchs: Recent demonstrations by the pro-royalist parties including RPP and RJP (led by ex-prime ministers Surya Bahadur Thapa and Lokendra Bahadur Chand suggest integration of their like-mindedness and protesting the parliaments recent decision. Hindu extremists and traditional royalists have already started raising their voices against the abolishment. A recent interview of Bharat Keshar Singh, ADC to the King, shows the Royalists perception towards the recent developments. The royalists still claim the parliament and the results derived thereof as unconstitutional and ad-hoc in nature. Although such issues are not primarily significant at this point, it may still suggest a plot to be staged in future.

(f) Nepal Army: Previously known as the backbone of the Monarch, Nepal Army boasts itself as a People’s institution now. It has openly abstained from being associated with any ‘ism’ and has clearly denounced integration of the Maoist soldiers with the Nepal army. Maoists have already raised serious concerns about this. Though Nepal Army has made its stance clear that it shall not be involved in a coup, a possibility cannot be ruled out in a South Asian Political perspective.

(g) Intra-Party and Inter-Party Factions: Be it Nepali Congress, Communist Party of Nepal or RPP, all of these have factions. There have been several breakaways and integration among each of them, which raises serious concerns over a sustainable peace, peace-pact and the results we have generated.

Strong provisions have also been made for removing the monarchy before the perspective polls in an event the king is found to "be creating serious hurdles to the Constituent Assembly Elections". A two-thirds majority decision of the interim parliament will be required in such situation.

The perspective on the abolishment of monarchy and the politics of Nepal does not necessarily represent the perspective of Association of Nepalese Lawyers in the US [ANLUS] as a whole or in part. The author is responsible for the views and perspectives. Information provided is not politically biased nor supportive neither opposing to any. Information contained in the article is generated from news and articles published in the newspapers in the internet and through personal knowledge."

Source

Political Execution of People's Sovereignty

Political Execution of People's Sovereignty

By: Shashi P.B.B. Malla

Last Friday was a black day in Nepal's history. The so-called 'interim parliament' passed an amendment to the likewise 'interim constitution' which will make Nepal a 'federal democratic republic' after the elections to the Constituent Assembly (CA). That is to say, the very first session of the CA is to make this declaration. However, there are many imponderables and hurdles on this road map of the Gang of Seven (the six party alliance and the Maoists or SPAM).

This spurious third amendment of the counterfeit 'constitution' (how can, for instance, any democratic constitution worth the name enshrine the name of the current seven ruling parties?) was voted for by 270 of the 321 existing members, in large measure comprising largely those from the three biggest political parties represented-the Nepali Congress (NC), CPN-United Marxists-Leninists(UML) and the CPN-Maoist. It is a matter of great shame that only three members-Pashupati Shumsher J.B. Rana and Krishna Pratap Malla of the Rashtriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) and Pari Thapa of the CPN-United voted against the proposal. Four members, two from the Rashtriya Janashakti Party-former PM Surya Bahadur Thapa and Renu Yadav, and two from the Sadbhawana Party-Rajendra Mahato and Yagya Jit Shah, boycotted the vote. Very interestingly, a large number of 44 members, including Taranath Ranabhat of the NC, K.P. Oli and Jhala Nath Khanal of the CPN-UML were absent during the voting. This can be interpreted as a major vote of no confidence.

The amendment-to be formerly endorsed by the first meeting of the elected CA-failed miserably to address the issues raised by the ethnic groups in the Terai-the Madhesis and also other Janjatis. Second, and above all as Surya Bahadur Thapa and Pashupati Shumsher voiced the true sentiments of the common people and so eloquently condemned the whole proceedings as "a blatant assault on the people's right to exercise sovereign powers". Ashutosh Shrivastav writing from Texas in the United States (in: NepalOfficers@yahoogroups.com) strongly condemned the violation of the constitutional process by declaring the country a republic without the mandate of the people. This treacherous behaviour of the parties in power had in fact raped democracy in the so-called name of the people. He also contrasted King Mahendra's supreme contribution in the preservation of Nepal's sovereignty and his balanced foreign policy with the Gang of Seven's dangerous game of kowtowing to India. Tilak B. Shrestha, Ph.D. from Alabama, USA was even more specific (also in NepalOfficers): " This is a simple case of the threat of Maoists, duplicity of UML and cowardice of NC" and would certainly lead to the disfranchisement of the people.

As has been highlighted in this journal, the de facto declaration of a republic has now taken place; the so-called 'formal' completion after the CA-elections is just a smoke screen. In the well-tried and tested salami tactics, the functions and privileges of the King and head of state were already usurped by caretaker PM Girija Koirala. This has also been formalized by the said amendment, which also laid down that the CA could not 'restore' monarchy. Thus, the people have been side-lined. Now Maoist honcho Dahal (aka Prachanda) and minister and NC vice-chairman Poudel have independently of each other claimed that the republic is now reality in practice, and the CA confirmation a mere formality-after all both are of the same feather. Poudel was even contemptuous enough to call for the King to abdicate voluntarily. Poudel, like others of his ilk makes two major blunders: first, he is unable to distinguish the person from the institution; and second, the last word has not yet been said, but Poudel is already counting his chickens.

Where does all this leave us, the people? Considering the antics of SPAM, there can be no doubt that if we are to exercise our fundamental human and civic rights, we must forge ahead and take the initiative for decisive action. This is especially imperative, as there is no guarantee that the CA-elections will take place in the near future, or at all, and even if they do that, they will not be manipulated to the advantage of the Gang of Seven. How much or how little SPAM thinks of the democratic process can be judged from the fact that UML boss Madhav Nepal (aka Makune) has demanded the reservation of seats in the elections for the top guns of the authoritarian ruling syndicate.

The need of the hour is a grand alliance of all true democrats and independent civil society and of the Madhesis and Janjatis that have been terribly let down by the current government and the governing political parties that not only reign but also rule in a most autocratic manner. The immediate purpose must be to start a genuine people's movement to win back the people's inherent rights that have been usurped by SPAM. It should not be at all difficult to find leaders that are willing and able to shed their personal and political differences in the larger interests of the nation. Such leaders like Surya Bahadur Thapa, Pashupati Shumsher, Ram Raja Prasad Singh, Prakash Koirala and Dr. Prakash Chandra Lohini come readily to mind.

The first order of business of this 'coalition of the willing' in the international New Year 2008 (it is indeed no point waiting for the Nepalese New Year 2065, as the current government and constituent parties are absolutely incorrigible) would be to demand the dissolution of the now defunct, so-called 'interim parliament'. Like a faithful and old dog, it has outlived its usefulness. It has performed it's rubber-stamp functions in an impeccable manner. It has also become an unnecessary burden on the national exchequer. Now that elections have already been proposed for the middle of April 08, the raison d'etre for the 'interim parliament' has completely vanished.

However, there does remain a sneaking doubt whether SPAM is at all serious about the CA-elections. After all, they must be having serious doubts about their own performance since they took over power. The loose talk about elections may very well turn out to be a sop for the international community.

Second, the 'interim constitution' itself has turned out to be an instrument of manipulation in the hands of the politicians of SPAM. It does not deserve to be respected in any way. It is of no use any more to SPAM, and is of no importance to the country at large. If the people's delegates are going to draft a new constitution in any case, it can be dispensed with immediately. It is worthless as a document providing inspiration for the constitution drafting process. Thus, like everything to do with SPAM, it can be got rid of as bad rubbish.

SPAM has established itself as the bastion of unreason and authoritarianism. Third, for the sake of the future of our country, we must wholeheartedly agitate for the formation of an independent government of national unity and reconciliation. Only such a government will ensure that the CA-elections are truly free and fair. This is a just demand even in the run-up to the elections. It is totally unacceptable that SPAM is monopolizing political power as if it is their birthright. There must be an end to sham democracy. This must be our New Year's resolution of all patriotic Nepalese. Let us the bells toll for the end of the infamous Koirala era and its disruptive collaboration with the Maoist terrorists, so that a truly new epoch of history can be heralded.

The writer can be reached at: shashipbmalla@hotmail.com

(Source)

नयाँ सहमति र मधेशका मुद्दा

नयाँ सहमति र मधेशका मुद्दा

जयप्रकाश गुप्ता

अन्तरिम संविधानको तेस्रो संशोधनबाट पनि मधेसका जल्दाबल्दा विषयहरूलाई पन्छाउने सात दल र सरकारले संविधानसभाको निर्वाचनमा मधेशीलाई कसरी सहभागी गराउन सक्छन्?

समझ्दारीको शृङ्खलामा सात दलबीच फेरि एउटा २३ सूत्रीय समझ्दारी थपिएको छ। यो समझ्दारीको कार्यदिशा अगामी चैतभित्रमा संविधानसभाको चुनाव गराउनु भनिएको छ। आम अपेक्षाका आधारमा अब चुनाव हुनुपर्ने हो। तर जसले खासगरी मुख्य दलहरूको आफू हार्ने चुनाव किन गराउने भन्ने आत्मपरक निष्कर्ष र संघीयताका नाममा हरण हुने एकात्मवादी शासन रक्षाको चिन्ता यसअघिको निर्वाचन स्थगनको गुह्य कारण हुन् भन्ने बुझेका छन्; तिनलाई चैतमा पनि निर्वाचन हुने कुरामा विश्वास गर्न गाह्रो छ। यसको साथै चैतमा संविधानसभाको चुनाव हुनेमा ठूलो अविश्वास मधेशको भयावह हुँदै गएको घटनाक्रमले पनि खडा गरेको छ।

मधेसको क्षेत्रबाट संविधानसभाको चुनावमा अवरोध आउन सक्ने तीन वटा सङ्गठनात्मक पक्षहरू छन्ः पहिलो, नेपालको पूर्वी–दक्षिणी ओरालोका मधेशी भागमा समेत सशक्तताका साथ बढेका लिम्बूवान् पक्ष तथा आवद्ध मोर्चाहरू; दोस्रो, मधेशको सवालमा शान्तिपूर्ण तरिका अपनाएका तर मागमा अविचलित फोरम र मोर्चाहरू; तथा तेस्रो, पृथकताको मागमा अडेका विभिन्न सशस्त्र विद्रोहीहरू। यीमध्ये लिम्बूवान पक्षबाट चुनावको शान्तिपूर्ण सम्पादनमा सामान्य कठिनाई हुन र मधेशी सशस्त्र समूहबाट चुनाव रक्तरञ्जित हुनसक्ने कुरामा द्विविधा छैन। तर मधेशका आन्दोलनरत् शान्तिपूर्ण मोर्चाहरूले गर्नसक्ने निर्वाचनविरोधी जनपरिचालनबाट चुनाव नै हुनसक्दैन। यी वा यीमध्ये केही शक्तिबीच आपसमा चुनाव गर्न नदिने सहकार्य भएमा मुलुकको ठूलो हिस्सामा चुनाव असम्भव हुन्छ।

मुलुकमा, खासगरी मधेशमा, शान्तिको सार्थक प्रयास नथाल्ने हो भने साधारण आँखाले देखिने आसन्न दृश्य यही नै हो। यस दृश्यको मञ्चनलाई प्रोत्साहित नै गर्ने हो भने त्यो शाही सत्ताका बखत गरिएको निर्वाचनले जनआन्दोलन–२ लाई उक्साएको जस्तो सकारात्मक परिणाम दिने खालको हँुदैन। बरु, त्यसले मुलुकमा नचिताइएको हिंसालाई बढाउनेछ। त्यसको परिणामस्वरुप मुलुकको विखण्डनको एजेण्डा संस्थागत हुनेछ।

यस्तो परिकल्पनाले सबैलाई दुःखी तुल्याउनु स्वाभाविक नै हो। तसर्थ यस भयावह दुःखमा बस्न अभ्यस्त हुने संस्कृतिको विकास गर्नुभन्दा आजै समस्याको समाधानका लागि उपाय खोज्नु प्रासङ्गिक हुन्छ। गत माघमा अन्तरिम संविधान लागू गरिँदा मधेशले आफ्ना अपेक्षाहरूलाई स्पष्टताका साथ राखेको थियो। तर त्यसलाई वेबास्ता नै गरियो। मधेश आन्दोलन पश्चात् संघीयता, जनसङ्ख्यामा आधारित प्रतिनिधित्वलगायत केही विषयहरूमा सहमति भयो। अन्य आधारभूत सवालहरूका बारेमा आन्दोलनरत् समूहहरूसँग सरकारको वार्ता जारी रहँदै गरेको बेला अन्तरिम संविधानमा दोस्रो संशोधनको प्रस्ताव हठपूर्वक संसदमा छिराइयो। त्यसपछि विभिन्न आन्दोलनकारी पक्षहरूसँग भएको सहमतिले संविधानमा तेस्रो संशोधनको औचित्यलाई अकाट्य बनाएका छन्।

मधेशको दृष्टिकोणबाट संविधानमा 'गणतन्त्र'को प्रावधान आउनु स्वागतयोग्य विषय हो। संविधानको प्रस्तावनामा 'मधेशी पहिचानको मान्यता' वस्तुतः नेपालको बहुसांस्कृतिक चरित्रअनुरुप भएपनि यसलाई संशोधनमा स्वीकारिएको छैन। मधेशले भावी संविधानमा राजनीतिक अधिकारका साथै जनताका सामाजिक–आर्थिक–धार्मिक–सामुदायिक तथा सांस्कृतिक अधिकारहरूको प्रत्याभूति खोजेको हो। यसअघि मधेश आन्दोलनको दायित्व पूरा गर्न दोस्रो संशोधनबाट समावेश गरिएको 'संघीयता' आत्मनिर्णयको अधिकारसहित क्षेत्रीय स्वायत्ततायुक्त हुनु पर्दछ भन्ने मान्यता मधेशको एक मुख्य माग छँदैछ। मधेशले प्रारम्भदेखि नै पूर्ण समानुपातिक निर्वाचन प्रणालीमा जोड दिँदै आएको हो।

यसअघिकै संविधानसभाको सदस्य सङ्ख्यालाई पूर्ण समानुपातिकमा रूपान्तरण गरिँदा पनि हालै संसदबाट पारित समानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्व सम्बन्धी कानूनअनुसार मधेशी समुहले सूची प्रणालीमा कम्तीमा पनि आफ्नो समुदायको जनसङ्ख्याको अनुपातमा उम्मेदवार चयन गर्नका लागि अन्य गैरमधेशी क्षेत्रबाट सूची बनाउनुपर्ने बाध्यता विद्यमान छ। अब संविधानसभाको सदस्य सङ्ख्या ६०१ बनाइएको तेस्रो संशोधनबाट मधेशीको प्रतिनिधित्वलाई यथार्थमा खुम्च्याउने काम भएको छ। यसरी नै अन्तरिम संविधानमै किटान गरिएको राज्य पुनर्संरचना आयोगको कार्यक्षेत्रले यस आयोगलाई मधेश तथा अन्य उपेक्षित समुदायको अपेक्षा अनुसार प्रदेशहरूको सिफारिस गर्न दिएको छैन। राज्यको पुनर्संरचनाका सन्दर्भमा 'मधेशको प्रादेशिक अक्षुण्णता'को अहम् विषयलाई नयाँ संविधानमा प्रवेश गराउन यो सवाल आजै संविधान संशोधनको विषय बनेको छ। संविधानसभामा मधेशीको जनसङ्ख्याको आधारमा प्रतिनिधित्वका लागि पहिलो हुने जित्ने निर्वाचन क्षेत्रको सार्थक पुनरावलोकन फेरि पनि संविधान संशोधनकै विषय हो। यससम्बन्धी प्रतिवेदनको खारेजीको माग गर्दै मधेशी सांसदहरूबाट डेढ महिनासम्म संसद अवरूद्ध हुँदा पनि सो विषयको समाधान भएको छैन।

उपर्युक्त विषयहरू मधेशका सशस्त्र र निरस्त्र दुवै पक्षका साझा मुद्दा हुन्। यसबाहेक सशस्त्र समूहका मात्र अलग मुद्दा छन्– मधेशलाई अलग मुलुक बनाउने। यस स्थितिमा मधेशका साझा मागहरूको बारेमा राज्यको स्पष्टता आउनु पर्दछ― कि त ठीक भनेर, कि नाजायज। ठीक हो भने विद्यमान अन्तरिम संविधानले अङ्गीकार गर्ने विषय हुन् वा होइनन् भनी स्पष्ट गर्नु पर्‍यो। तेस्रो संशोधनबाट यी विषयहरूलाई पन्छाएर सात दल र सरकारले संविधानसभाको निर्वाचनमा मधेशीलाई कसरी सहभागी गराउन सक्छन्? यसमा सात दल र सरकारबाट इमान्दार प्रयास नहुँदा मधेशका सशस्त्र र निरस्त्र समूहहरूको साझा मागलाई पूरा गराउन आवश्यक देखिने अन्तर–आबद्धतालाई कसरी कम गर्ने, यो सर्वाधिक विचारणीय छ। यसैको निरुपणबाट चैतमा संविधानसभाको निर्वाचन गर्न मधेशको सहमति बन्न सक्छ।

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लालबुझक्कडका काधमा मधेस

लालबुझक्कडका काधमा मधेस
तर्राई चिनौं / By : चन्द्रकिशोर

द्रुतगतिमा विकसित राष्ट्रिय राजनीतिले लामो आरोह-अवरोहपछि सहमतिको गोरेटो समातेको छ । जनआन्दोलन- ०६२/६३ को एउटा प्रमुख आदेश थियो- सहमतिको राजनीति । पछिल्लो सहमतिको प्रक्रियापछि राष्ट्रिय संकल्पका रूपमा रहेको संविधानसभा निर्वाचनतिर राजनीतिक मूलधार मोडिएको छ । राजनीतिको संस्थापन धारमा रहेका जनताका प्रतिनिधिले नेपाली जनताको पक्षमा मन्दगतिमै सही- आफ्ना तमाम सीमाका बाबजुद अग्रगामी ऐतिहासिक कार्य गरेका छन् ।

अब निर्धारित महिनाभित्र संविधानसभा निर्वाचन होला - संस्थापन पक्षका कोही 'निर्धारित समयभित्र चुनाव हुन नसके बरु हालको व्यवस्थापिका संसद्मै अन्य सरोकारवाला पक्षलाई सामेल गर्राई त्यसैलाई संविधानसभाको स्वरूप दिनुपर्ने' तर्क गरिरहेका छन् त कोही 'संविधानसभा निर्वाचन हुन नसके बरु संसद्कै निर्वाचन ठीक' भनिरहेका छन् । सबै एकढिक्का भएर संविधानसभा निर्वाचनका पक्षमा बोल्न सकेका छैनन्, आफ“ैमा आत्मविश्वासको कमी देखिएको छ । संस्थापन शक्तिबीचको यो अन्तरविरोध निर्वाचन मैत्री वातावरणका लागि ऋणात्मक छ ।

मुलुक युगान्तकारी परिवर्तनको सम्भावनासहित राजनैतिक संक्रमणको विशिष्ट अवस्थाबाट गुज्र“दै छ । ऐतिहासिक जनआन्दोलनको गर्भबाट जन्मिएको यो संक्रमणकालको सुखद् अन्त्यका लागि उत्पन्न चुनौतीको जनआन्दोलनमा प्रकट भएको भावनाअनुरूपको समाधान आधारभूत र्सत हो । नत्र संक्रमणकाल ००७ सालको जस्तो असफल र ०४६ को जस्तो अपांग हुने अवस्था पनि आउन सक्छ । जनआन्दोलन- ०६३ बाट निर्देशित अग्रगामी दिशा र मधेस व्रि्रोहले तय गरेको कार्यसूची हो- संक्रमणकालको अन्त्य र संविधानसभा -स्वतन्त्र, निष्पक्ष, भयरहित तथा व्यापक जनसहभागितासहितको) मार्फ् समावेशी लोकतन्त्र स्थापना ।

सातदलको वर्तमान नेतृत्व जिम्मेवारीपर्ूवक नआउने र आफूले गरेका निर्ण्र्ााकार्यान्वयन नगर्ने, उदासीन हुने एवं सहमति बारम्बार फर्ेर्दै जनतालाई सधै“ झुक्याइरहने स्थिति रह“दा मुलुकमा अनेकौ“ समीकरणको जन्म हुन सक्छ । सातदलभित्रका राजतन्त्रवादी शक्ति एकै ठाउ“मा गएर व्रि्रोह गर्न सक्ने सम्भावना हाल देखि“दैन तर ती तत्त्व स्थिर भएर पनि बस्दैनन् । किनारीकृत समूहहरूको आवाजलाई सम्बोधन गर्न, आश्वस्त पार्न, विश्वासमा लिएर अगाडि बढ्न संस्थापन शक्तिहरू चुकिरहेका छन् ।

नेपाली राजनीतिको सबैभन्दा महत्त्वपर्ूण्ा पक्ष बनेको मधेसमा अहिले सबै ठूला दलले आ“खा गाडिरहेका छन् । मधेसी दल भने संविधानसभा निर्वाचनका पक्षमा खुलेर लागेका छन् । तर्राई-मधेस लोकतान्त्रिक पार्टर्ीी अध्यक्षले प्रस्तुत गरेको आधिकारिक अभिमतमा भनिएको छ- 'संविधानसभाका हामी विरोधी होइनौ“ । सबैको र्सार्थक र न्यायपर्ूण्ा उपस्थितियुक्त, उपलब्धिमूलक संविधानसभा हुने वातावरण हुनुपर्‍यो । सहज र शान्तिपर्ूण्ा तरिकाबाट अभिमत प्रकट गर्ने जनअधिकारको सम्मान गछौर्“ तर बल प्रयोगबाट समाधान खोज्ने मानसिकतासित हाम्रो पर्ूण्ा असहमति छ । र्सवप्रथम मधेसमा शान्तिपर्ूण्ा अवस्था र स्थिति बन्नु आवश्यक छ ।' महन्थ ठाकुरको यस दृष्टिकोणलाई कदापि गैरलोकतान्त्रिक र उक्साहटको अभिव्यक्ति भन्न मिल्दैन । मधेसको बोली यही हो ।

यतिखेर मधेस आन्दोलनउन्मुख देखिएको छ । मधेसी संगठन आ-आफ्ना स्तरमा मधेसी असन्तुष्टिलाई आन्दोलनमार्फ् अभिव्यक्त गर्न गृहकार्यमा छन् । एउटा र्सार्थक र सम्पर्ूण्ा मधेस व्रि्रोह-२ को तयारी भइरहेको छ । यस पर्रि्रेक्ष्यमा सात दलले चैतमा निर्वाचन गर्न मधेसका सशस्त्र समूहलाई मूलधारको राजनीतिमा ल्याउनै पर्ने चुनौती मात्र छैन, शान्तिपर्ूण्ा राजनीतिको दाबी गर्ने दलहरूलाई पक्षमा लिन पनि उत्तिकै अपरिहार्य छ । मधेसका दललाई बेवास्ता गरियो भने यिनीहरू नै संविधानसभाका लागि ठूलो चुनौती बन्नेछन् । मधेसका दलहरूलाई उपेक्षा गरेर चुनाव गराउन सम्भव छैन ।

तर मधेसका दलहरुले पनि संविधानसभापर्ूव राज्यले के-के गर्नुपर्ने हो, साझा सूची प्रस्तुत गर्नुपर्छ । संविधानसभामार्फ् मधेससहित समग्र नेपालको अग्रगामी रूपान्तरणका लागि मधेसका सबै संर्घष्ारत शक्तिबीच संवाद भई न्यूनतम मार्गचित्रमा मोर्चाबन्दी नभए राजनीतिले सकारात्मक दिशा पाउने सम्भावना तुहिन सक्छ । मधेसमा सामाजिक ध्रुवीकरण बढ्दै गएको छ । समाज पहाड र मधेसबीच विभाजित हु“दै गइरहेको छ । सामाजिक अलगाव गर्ने तत्त्वहरू नियोजित रूपमा क्रियाशील छन्, हिंसाको क्रम बढ्दै छ । मधेसबाहिर पनि हिंसाको प्रभाव छरिएर जाओस्जस्ता अभ्रि्रायलक्षित हिंसाचक्र थालिएको छ । आम जनताको मनोभावना एकतिर छ, चलखेल गर्नेहरू अर्कोतिर सक्रिय छन् । यता राज्य केवल बल प्रयोग गरेर निकास खोज्न आतुर छ किन - बुझिसक्नु छैन ।

मधेसको न्यायपर्ूण्ा र जायज मागनिम्ति संर्घष्ारत पक्षको पनि जिम्मेवारी बढेको छ- मधेसलाई कमभन्दा कम क्षति पुर्‍याएर मूलप्रवाहीकरणको प्रक्रियाका निम्ति दबाब-माध्यम बन्ने । मधेसको सामाजिक रिक्तताले समग्रमा मधेसी समुदायको हित गर्दैन । कुनै पनि समाजविशेषको उन्नयनका निम्ति सामाजिक बहुलता चाहिन्छ । एकल समाजको उन्नयन गति मन्द हुन्छ । मधेसभित्र केवल पहाडे मात्र होइन, स्वंय मधेसी समाज पनि विविधतायुक्त रहेको छ । यो नै यस भूगोलको पु“जी हो । मधेसले एउटा भूगोललाई प्रतिनिधित्व गरेपछि यस क्षेत्रमा बसोबास गर्ने सबैको साझा सोच विकसित गर्नु-गराउनु नै बुद्धिमानी हुन्छ । नया“-नया“ शक्ति प्रकट हुनु आफै“मा नराम्रो होइन तर प्रतिरक्षामा संगठित भएका शक्तिले परिस्थितिलाई विकराल नै बनाउ“छन् ।

संविधानसभा हुनर्ुपर्छ, मधेस यसको विरोधमा देखिनुहु“दैन र राज्य पनि मधेसको विरोधमा रहेको देखिनुहुन्न । लोकतन्त्र प्राप्ति र मुलुकको नवनिर्माणका लागि विगतमा मधेसले ठूलो बलिदान दिएको छ । मधेसी जनताले आफूलाई राज्यले 'धोखा' दियो भन्ने भावना राखे भने यसले मुलुकको स्वास्थ्यका लागि हितकर गर्दैन । जिम्मेवारीको भार राज्य र सातदलमाथि त छदैछ, त्यत्तिकै भार मधेसी दलको का“धमाथि पनि छ । दुइटै पक्षले मधेसको कार्यभार बोक्नमा असन्तुलन गर्‍यो भने त्यसपछि ठूलो दुघटना हुन सक्छ । राजनीति गर्नेहरू आफै“ लालबुझक्कड हुन्, अरू नै के भन्नुपर्ला र !
स्रोत: NayaaPatrikaa

The Madhesis of Nepal

By K Yhome

Dramatic events in the past one year since the 2006 “April Revolution” in Nepal have been redefining the political landscape of the Himalayan nation in more ways than one. One important change is the visible rise of “marginalized” groups in national politics. The “excluded” groups - cutting across ethnic, religious and language lines - are demanding their due rights. In the midst of these changes is the rise of the Madhesis.2 This paper attempts to assess the response of the Nepalese government towards the Madhesi uprising, the shaping of the contours of the ethnic problem in the future, and its impact on peace in Nepal up in coming days and weeks and the prospects for peace in the country. The article ends with an assessment on India’s role in Nepal.

  Map of Nepal

The Madhesis3

Madhesis are an important segment of the population in Nepal.4 They occupy economically the most significant region of the country with 70-80 per cent of the country’s industries being located in the Terai region. It accounts for 65 per cent of Nepal‘s agricultural production. Needless to say, the country’s economy depends heavily on the region. Strategically, the Terai belt constitutes the lifeline of Nepal. All the key transportation routes from India pass through this region, making it the gateway to the landlocked country. Almost all the country’s import and export takes place through this region. Given these factors, any disturbance in the region involving the Madhesis becomes extremely critical as it has the potential to seriously jeopardise the country.

With strikes, bans, and road blockades that continue to mark the unrest in Terai, economic activities have been brought to a virtual halt. Trade has been severely affected with goods worth millions of rupees stranded at border points and many manufacturing industries in Birgunj and Biratnagar shut down owing to crisis of raw materials. A recent report released by Nepal Rastra Bank, indicates that the country’s foreign trade recorded dismal performance during the first nine months of 2006/07, with 2.9 per cent fall in total exports. The report identifies the Terai unrest as one of the major factors for the poor performance of the export sector.

The size of the Madhesis has been a contested issue. According to the Population Census 2001 based on mother tongue for Village Development Committees (VBCs), the Madhesis population was 6781111.5 If one were to go by this figure, the Madhesis formed 29.2 per cent of the total population of Nepal in 2001. However, Madhesi political leaders, scholars, and activists have long questioned these figures. They claim that the Madhesis form 40-50 per cent of the total population of Nepal today. For instance, Jwala Singh, leader of the Janatantrik Mukti Morcha (JTMM-Singh) has claimed that Madhesis population is 14 million.6 While the truth is difficult to establish, one can safely say that the Madhesis constitute a major chunk of Nepal’s demography.

The Unrest in Terai7

Two issues need to be highlighted. First, the Madhesi issue is not a communal issue. Secondly, the Madhesi issue has not emerged in January 2007. The Madhesi question is not one of Madhesis (‘people of the plains’) vs Pahadis (‘people of the hills’). This misinterpretation of the Madhesi nomenclature by making it a community-based issue could have grave implications for the country.8 The Madhesi issue in Nepal relates to a movement against the state’s ‘discriminatory’ politics. It is a fight for recognition of rights - political, cultural as well as economic - and a struggle for equal representation and opportunity. 9

The current Madhesi protests began to surface in late 2006. The interim constitution became the rallying point, which the Madhesis claim, has failed to address the issues related to their rights. The trouble soon took a different turn when the country’s draft interim constitution came into effect on 15 January. Rapidly, the largely peaceful protests snowballed into widespread violent demonstrations, strikes and bans. Since then, the situation has only deteriorated. Three Madhesi outfits have been leading the agitations. The outfits are:

• Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) or Madhesi Peoples’ Right Forum (MPRF) headed by Upendra Yadav. The outfit has been spearheading the ongoing Madhesi agitation in Terai. MJF’s main demands are: amendments to the interim constitution to include provisions for ethnic and regional autonomy with the right to self-determination and proportional representation based on ethnic population for the elections to Constituent Assembly (CA). Yadav has also been criticised from several quarters for his alleged ties with “palace forces”. The outfit’s student wing, Nepal Madhesi Student Front severed its allegiance in March accusing their leader of working with the “royalist” to subvert the CA elections.10 Interestingly, on April 26, the MJF submitted an application for party registration at the Election Commission and said that it will participate in the CA elections as a political party.
• Janatantrik Terai Mukti Morcha (JTMM-Singh faction) led by Nagendra Paswan alias Jwala Singh. JTMM-Singh group is a breakaway faction of the Maoists that has been active mainly in Siraha and Saptari districts of Terai. The group spilt from JTMM led by Jaya Krishna Goit in mid-2006. The JTMM-Singh faction has been demanding for an autonomous and separate independent Terai state; equal participation of Madhesis in government security forces. In fact, on March 30, the outfit declared the Terai region a “Republican Free Terai State.”11 The group has been accused of fueling communal feelings between “people of hill origin” and “people of Terai region”, however, Singh reportedly claimed that his group is against the “system of unitary communal hill state power” and not people of hill origin.12
• Janatantrik Terai Mukti Morcha (JTMM-Goit faction) led by Jaya Krishna Goit. Some of the conditions that the group has put forth for talks include declaring Terai an independent state, fresh delimitation of electoral constituencies based on populations, eviction of non-Terai officials and administrators from Terai region, among others. Both the JTMM groups want UN mediation in the talks. The group has been alleged of “divisive” campaign for its demand from industries to remove “people of hill origin” and replace them with Madhesi people or “people of plain origin” in eastern Terai region.13

Another outfit, Madhesi Tigers, a splinter group of the Maoists re-emerged in March after a long period of inaction. Madhesi Tigers is a splinter group of the CPN-Maoist formed a few years ago. Reportedly, its leader was killed in April 2005. According to the news reports, the Madhesi Tigers abducted eleven persons from Haripur area on March 1 but were released few days later.14 The past months have also seen emergence of new outfits. A group calling itself Terai Cobra has emerged in central Terai. Not much is known about this outfit. The first time it came out in public was on May 9, when it called a bandh in Bara, Parsa, and Rautahat districts in central Terai. Normal life was affected as markets and schools remain closed and traffic was disrupted.15 On 14 May, yet another outfit called Terai Army Dal, unheard of before, claimed responsibility of the bomb blast in Rautahat district that injured 14 people.16

Government Response

Has the government mishandled the Madhesi uprising? Arguably yes, if the worsening situation in the Terai is any indication. During the initial phase of violence in the Terai, the government perhaps failed to respond to the problem effectively. It was busy with other issues at hand, particularly, the peace process and the formation of government.17 The government’s indifference was compounded by differences between the government and the CPN-Maoist leadership (the Maoists joined the government in 1 April) over how to approach the problem. On 22 January a meeting of the eight-party alliance was called by Prime Minister GP Koirala to discuss the Terai situation. While the Prime Minister (PM) felt that the issues raised by the Madhesis and other groups can be resolved through dialogue, the CPN-Maoist chairman Prachanda and senior leader Babu Ram Bhattarai ruled out the possibility of dialogue with the Maoist splinter groups claiming that these groups were supported by “royalists elements and fundamental Hindu activists”.18

The Prime Minister’s address to the nation on January 31 and February 7, calling upon the agitating groups for dialogue evoked mixed reactions. While the PM’s address received positive response from some groups, it failed to improve the deteriorating situation. Under intense pressure from various quarters, the government formed a committee for talks with the agitators on February 2 under Mahanth Thakur, the Minister of Agriculture. Despite this initiative, the government was increasingly coming under criticism from both within the SPA and other political parties.19 Amid growing pressure from Madhesi and other communities, the government on February 2 decided to amend the two-week old interim constitution and assured the inclusion of all communities in the organs of the state.20 However, differences among the parties delayed the PM’s second address to the February 7. The eight-party alliance voiced its collective support to the PM’s address and signed a commitment paper that they were serious about the movement in Terai and would want to resolve it by addressing the Madhesi people’s demands and aspiration.

Meanwhile, the MJF responded positively to the PM’s second address by suspending their protest programme for ten days. On the other hand, the JTMM-Goit faction criticised the PM’s address. While the JTMM-Singh faction and the MJF initially showed willingness for dialogue, the JTMM-Goit rejected talks offer saying that the government has not created conducive atmosphere for talks. Soon the MJF followed suit and on 19 February, it said it would resume agitation alleging that the government did not show seriousness. The Thakur committee’s invitation for dialogue with the agitating groups never took off. Rather more conditionalities were put before the government to start the government for the dialogue. The interminable unrest in the Terai also pushed the NSP-A to take a tougher position, even threatening to pull out of the SPA if the government did not adopt the proposal to amend the constitution before March 6.

As though the rapidly growing tension and violence was not enough, the Gaur incident, in which a clash between the MJF and the CPN-Maoist aligned Madhesi Mukti Morcha (MMM) took place on March 21, 27 people were killed and many injured, further excerbated the tension.21 Reacting to the incident the eight-party alliance in a press statement said that the government must take stern measures against such acts and safeguard life and property of the people. In the wake of the Gaur incident and in the midst of CPN-Maoists demand to ban the MJF, the government prohibited any MJF programmes.

Efforts to curb the increasing violence remained ineffective as also the invitation for dialogue remained a non-starter. In the face of the deteriorating law and order situation, the government formed the Peace and Reconstruction Ministry and appointed a new three-member committee on April 11 headed by Ram Chandra Poudel entrusted with the task to hold talks with all the protesting groups. By appointing a new ministry and a new team for talk, the government wanted to send a message that it was serious about the issues raised by the agitators. In a significant development, the MJF and the government held their first formal talks on June 1 in Janakpur. It was reported that the two sides agreed on some of the demands raised by the MJF.22 However, a final agreement is yet to be reached.

While the government expressed its concern over the continued incidents of violence and called all agitating groups for talks, the situation in many parts of Terai remained chaotic with killings, extortions and strikes marking the protests. The violence has been taken a new direction with the rise in clashes between Madhesi outfits and Maoist sister organisations. This has further complicated matters.

Prospects and Recommendations

The situation in Terai remains grim with no signs of improvement. There is nothing to suggest that protests and violence will subside in the near future. Killings, strikes, demonstrations and clashes may continue. Even as the government insists on talks with the agitating groups, there has been a reluctance to address the core Madhesi problems and demands.

In the event of any outfit entering into an agreement with the government, the level of violence may be brought down. However, so long as other groups indulge in violent activities, the situation may only worsen in the coming weeks with serious implications, given the explosive nature of the issue. And now with new outfits emerging, the complexities are only growing for the government because even if any outfit enters into dialogue with the government, the possibility of dissidents joining the new groups to carry on their violent activities cannot be ruled out.

It is feared that the situation if allowed to deteriorate further, may result into ethnic riots. However, the recent incidents indicate that the danger seems to have been averted owing to the new dimension that the violence has acquired i.e. - the Madhesi vs the Maoists, which is as dangerous.

The urgent imperative is that all the agitating groups including the Maoists must desist from violence. The first priority of the government should be to seriously address the demands of the protesters. The Madhesi groups should not forget that their real cause is political. The present political situation in Nepal provides all ethnic groups the opportunity to resolve their problems amicably. Therefore, it would be folly on the part of the Madhesis to play the spoiler. The SPA and the CPN-Maoist also need to display more maturity.

India’s Role

India has been playing a constructive role in Nepal’s political transition. On several occasions New Delhi has expressed its desire to see Nepal resolve its internal problems and move towards establishing a stable democracy. On the development front, India has been engaged in education, infrastructure, and health projects in Nepal. Since India’s shares a long porous border with Nepal’s Terai, the trouble in the region is of great concern to it. Trade between the two countries depends on this region, as all the trading points are located there. Since violence has erupted in the Terai, India has shown serious concern over the volatile situation. Also of major concerns to India is the possiblity of the spill over of violence in Terai into India. The Indian government has been closely watching the developments in the Terai and has constantly been in touch with Nepal’s government.23

Notes:

1. The assessments in this essay are based on developments till June 2007.
2. Several other “marginalized” groups such as the Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN), am umbrella organisation of 54 indigenous and ethnic groups, the Kirats; the Tharus; the Muslims among other groups have been protesting and demand the government to address the issues of ethnic groups.
3. The term Madhesi is derived from the word Madhesh meaning “mid-land” in Nepali and is defined as the lowland plains in the southern slopes of Nepal bordering Indian states of Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal and Uttaranchal. It refers to the Terai region (See Figure I). The foothill of the Chure hill is considered the dividing line between the Pahar (the hills) and the Madhesh (the plains). Hence, the people occupying the Terai belt are called Madhesis. The name is a generic term and also a topographic reference. The Madhesis include different cultural and linguistic groups - Maithili, Bhojpuri, Awadhi, Tharu, Hindi, Urdu, and other local dialects.
4. There is currently a debate in the academic discourse on whether all groups in the Terai can be considered Madhesis. I have argued elsewhere that a Madhesi “identity” has came about as a result of long state “discriminatory” politics. See “Constructing Identity: The case of the Madhesis of Nepal Terai” Paper presented at Social Science Baha conference on Nepal Terai: Context and Possibilities in Kathmandu on 10-12 March 2005.
5. This figure included all the mother tongues spoken in the Terai - Bhojpuri, Maithili, Awadhi, Tharu, as also Hindi, Urdu, Bangla, Rajbansi, Santhali including Punjabi and Marwari (though their share is marginal).
6. See “The Himalayan Times”, January 15, 2007.
7. The origin of the movement can be traced back to early 1950s. Several political parties and organisations - the Terai Congress in the 1950s; the Nepal Sadbhavna Council in the 1980s and later the Nepal Sadbhavna Party (NSP) in the 1990s - emerged at different point of time to fight for the Madhesi cause. All these organisations have fought against state’s “discriminatory” laws of citizenship and language as well as recruitment policies to the armed forces and bureaucracy. However, the problems persisted undressed under different regimes for decades. It was in this context that when the “People’s War” of the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-Maoist) emerged in the mid-1990s some sections of the Madhesis joined the Maoists, which had promised political, economic and social rights. With this background, an attempt is made to understand the current Madhesi agitations in Nepal.
8. K. Yhome, “Madhesis: A Political Force in the Making?,” Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, New Delhi, Article no. 2058, 5 July 2006
9. K. Yhome, “The Madhesi Issue in Nepal”, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, New Delhi, Article no. 2228, 2 March 2007
10. See “Nepal News”, March 25, 2007, http://www.nepalnews.com
11. See “The Himalayan Times”, March 31, 2007.
12. See “The Himalayan Times”, January 15, 2007
13. See “Nepal News”, January 19, 2007, http://www.nepalnews.com
14. See “Kantipur Online”, March 1, 2007, http://www.kantipuronline.com; also see “Nepal News”, March 4, 2007, http://www.nepalnews.com
15. See “Nepal News”, May 10, 2007, http://nepalnews.com
16. See “Kantipur Online”, May 15, 2007, www.http://www.kantipuronline.com
17. A source close to the government told this author in March that the government had initially “underestimated the potential of the Madhesi uprising.” For political reasons the name of the source is keep undisclosed.
18. See “Kantipur Online”, January 24, 2007, http://kantipuronline.com; also see “Nepal News”, January 23, 2007, http://www.nepalnews.com
19. NSP-A on February 2 announced that it would participate only in those meetings that discuss Madhesi issues. The traditionally “royalist” party, Rashtriya Prajatankri Party (RPP) accused the government of not been serious toward the real issue of the Madhesis and that the attitude has been fueling more crises in the country. See “Nepal News”, February 3, 2007, http://www.nepalnews.com
20. On February 5, top leaders of five political parties, namely the Nepali Congress (NC), CPN-Maoist, Communist Party of Nepal-United Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML), Nepali Congress-Democratic (NC-D) and NSP-A agreed on three major political issues: the interim constitution would be amended with firm commitment to a federal structure of governance in future; the election constituencies will be delineated in proportion to the population with special provision for sparely populated districts in the hill region; and to express commitment for representation of people from all castes and creed in state organ. See “Kantipur Online”, February 3 & 5, 2007, http://www.kantipuronline.com
21. See “Kantipur Online”, March 21, 2007, http://www.kantipuronline.com
22. See. “Nepal News”, June 2 2007. http://www.nepalnews.com
23. A Nepali delegation met India’s Prime Minister and External Affairs Minister in New Delhi on January 30 where both the Indian leaders expressed their concern over the violence in Terai. Again, India’s External Affairs Minister reiterated India’s concern to a delegation of Nepali politicians when the latter called on him in New Delhi on January 31, 2007. See “The Himalayan Times”, January 31 and February 1, 2007. A Nepali delegation comprising senior leaders of the eight-political parties came to New Delhi on May 31 to held talks with Indian leaders, see http://www.nepalnews.com May 31, 2007.

K Yhome, Associate Fellow Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi

Source:indiandefencereview

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cfh ;Dk"0f{ ldlynf — ef/t / g]kfn b'a}lt/sf] d}lynLefifL If]q, cfkm\gf dxfg ;flxTosf/ sljsf]lsn ljBfkltk|lt >4f ;'dg r9fp“b} 5 . ljBfklt–:d[lt lbj; ca ldlynf~rndf sljsf]lsnsf] ;Demgfdf dfq l;ldt 5}g, o;n] d}lynL ;flxTosf] k'g?pTyfg tyf o;nfO{ If]qLo efiffsf] ?kdf ;Ddflgt u/fpg ;lqmo o; If]qsf] eflifs cfGbf]ngnfO{ phf{ k|bfg ug]{ d}lynLefifLx?sf]] Pstf lbj;sf] ?k lnO;s]sf] 5 . ef/tdf dfq} xf]Og g]kfndf klg d}lynL–cfGbf]ngsf] k|f/De ljBfklt :d[lt lbj; s} cfof]hgaf6 z'? ePsf] lyof] . g]kfndf :j= k+= ;'Gb/ emf zf:qL ;d]tsf cu|;/tfdf k|f/De ePsf] of]] cfof]hg cf/Dedf …Pp6} efiff–Pp6} e]if Úsf] k~rfotL dfgl;stflj?4 If]qLo efiffx?sf] cl:dtf / ;Ddfgsf] ;+3if{ tyf o;sf nflu nf]stGqsf] cfjZostf af]w u/fpg] nIolt/ s]lGb|t lyof] . To;sf/0fn] o:tf ;df/f]xx?dfly k~rfotsfndf k|zf;lgs x:tIf]k ul/GYof] / ;xefuLx? Y'flgGYo] . nf]stGqsf] k'gM:yfkgfkl5 ca of] d}lynLk|]dLx?sf] d}lynL cg'/fusf] 2f]ts / dw];sf] d}lynLefifL If]qdf /fHoaf6 eO/x]sf] eflifs e]befj lj?4sf] ;+3if{sf] ?k lnO;s]sf] 5 . d}lynLsf] k'g?Tyfgdf cToGt dxŒjk"0f{ e"ldsf v]Nb} cfPsf] of] ;df/f]x d}lynLk|lt d}lyn o'jfx?df r]tgf hufp“b} d}lynLnfO{ klxn} em}+ o; e"–efudf k|ltli7t ug]{ sfo{nfO{ ;kmntfk"j{s cfufl8 a9fp“b} cfPsf] 5 . ldlynfsf x/]s dxŒjk"0f{ ;fd'bflos / lzIf0f ;+:yfx?df tyf nueu x/]s ufp“df Ps ;fy x'g] o;sf] cfof]hg o;sf] k|df0f xf] .
sljsf]lsn ljBfkltsf] hGd / d[To'sf] jf:tljs ltly osLg ug{ ;lsPsf] 5}g tyflk jxf“sf] sfn O{=;g\ !#%) b]lv !$%) dWosf] lyof] eGg] s'/fdf s'g} zÍf 5}g . /fhf lzjl;+xsf] /fHofleif]skl5 jxf“nfO{ !$)@ O{=df jxf“sf] cfkm\g} hGd :yfg la:kmL u|fd k|bfg ul/Psf], !$!*df jxf“n] >Ldb\efujt\sf] k|ltlnlk tof/ ug'{ ePsf] / /fhf lzjl;+xsf] d[To' -O{=!$)@_sf] #@ aif{kl5 ;Dd jxf“ lhljt /xg' ePsf] k|dfl0ft eO;s]sf] 5 . cfkm\gf s[lt tyf elgtfx?df jxf“n] ldlynfsf cf]Olgjf/ j+zLo /fhfx? b]jl;+xb]lv e}/jl;+x;Ddsf ;Dks{df /xg' ePsf] pNn]v ug'{ ePsf] 5 . o; afx]s jxf“ () aif{sf] pd]/df b]xTofu ug'{ ePsf] tYo ;d]t k|dfl0ft eO;s]sf] 5 . oLg} s'/fx?nfO{ cfwf/ dfgL jxf“sf] sfn ;g\ !#%) b]lv !$%) aLr /x]sf] s'/fdf ljåfgx? Psdt 5g . æljBfklts cfo'cj;fg≤ sflts wjn lqof]bzL hfgÆ eGg] jxf“sf] cfkm\g} elgtfsf] cfwf/df sflQ{s s[i0fkIfsf] lqof]bzLnfO{ d}lynLefifLx?n] ljBfklt :d[lt lbj;sf] ?kdf dgfp“b} cfPsf 5g\ .
lJfBfkltsf] ljlzi6 /rgf, jxf“sf] k|:t'ltsnf tyf ufogdf dfw'o{ / ;flxlTos cn+sf/dfly ;"Id ks8sf sf/0f ;j{k|yd lxGbLsf ljVoft ;dLIfs 8f= /fdj[If a]gLk'/Ln] ljBfkltnfO{ d}lynLsf] sljsf]lsnsf] ljz]if0f k|bfg u/L ;Ddfg ug'{ ePsf] lyof] . ljBfklt kbfjnLdf n]Vg' ePsf] e"ldsfdf jxf“n] ljBfkltnfO{ — … d}lynL /fsf /hgL s] /fs]z sljsf]lsn ljBfklt==== Ú egL ;Djf]lwt ug'{ ePsf] 5 .
ljBfkltn] cfkm\gf] ;Dk"0f{ hLjg ;flxTonfO{ g} clk{t ug'{ eof] . d[To'sf] clGtd If0f;Dd kbsf] /rgf ub}{ sfJo–wf/fnfO{ k|jflxt ul//xg' eof] . elgG5, cfkm\gf] hLjgsf] cGtsfn cfOk'u]sf] jxf“nfO{ cfefif eO;s]sf] lyof]] / jxf“n] cfkm}+ cfkm\gL 5f]/L, wd{kTgLnfO{ To;sf] hgfp lbO{ u+uf–nfesf nflu k|:yfg ug'{ ePsf] lyof] . cln k/} jflhtk'/;Dd k'Ubf jxf“sf] zlQm k"0f{tofM IfL0f eof] / jxf“ cfufl8 a9\g c;dy{ x'g' eof] . Tolt a]nf jxf“n] ug'{ ePsf] u+ufsf] jGbgf ljBfkltsf cd/ kbfjnLx? dWo] Ps x'g —

a8≥ ;'v;f/ kfcf]n t'cf tL/] . 5f]8≥Ot lgs6 gog ax gL/] ..

elgG5, jxf“sf] elQmk""0f{ jGbgfkl5 uËfsf] wf/ g} ljBfklt;Dd 3'd]/ uof] / uËf–nfe ub}{] jxf“n] b]xTofu ug'{ eof] . jflhtk'/sf] Tof] :yfgdf clxn] ljBfklt gu/ /]Nj] :6]zg 5 . hLjgsf] clGtd If0f;Dd /rgfsf] k|df0fsf ;fy} o;n] jxf“sf] cWoflTds pRrtfnfO{ klg :ki6 ub{5 .
ljBfkltsf] n]vg, ljifo / efiffIf]q Jofks / ljzfn lyof] . jxf“sf /rgfx? ;+:s[t, k|fs[t, d}lynL / cax7\7df k|fKt ePsf 5g\ . d}lynLdf dfq} jxf“n] zlQm–cf/fwgf, grf/L, s[i0f–nLnf, k|0fo nufotsf ljifox?df xhf/eGbf a9L uLtx?sf /rgf ug'{ ePsf] 5 eg] cax7\7df b'O{j6f v08sfJo lslQ{ntf / lslQ{ktfsf tyf ;+:s[t–k|fs[t–d}lynLdf uf]/Ifljho / ;+:s[t–k|fs[tdf dl0fd~h/L gf6sx? pknAw 5g\ . ;+:s[tdf jxf“n] zf:qLo / Jojxf/f]kof]uL w]/} u|Gyx? n]Vg' ePsf] lyof] . tL dWo] lzIffk|b /f]rs syfx?sf] ;+sng k'?ifk/LIff tyf clen]vfÍg gd"gfsf ;fy} zf;gf]kof]uL kqfrf/x?sf] lnvgfjnL ljZjljVoft 5 . ljBfkltsf] ofqf ;flxTo e"kl/qmd0f, wd{zf:q / sd{sf08sf kf/Dkl/s u|Gyx? ljefu;f/, z}j;j{:j;f/, b'uf{elQm t/lËlg, bfgjfSofjnL, uËfjfSofjnL, uofkQns, aif{s[To, Aof8≥L elQmt/lËlg cflb cd/ s[ltx? 5g\ .
oL ;a} s[ltx?df Toltv]/sf] ;dosf] P]ltxfl;s ;"rgf / ;dsflng ;fdflhs lrq0f kfOG5 . lslQ{ntfnfO{ ljBfkltsf] klxnf] /rgf dflgG5 . Toltv]/ dlynfsf ljåfgx? ;+:s[tdf n]Vg] uy]{ . lslQ{ntfdf jxf“n] dft[efiffdf n]Vg] sf/0f / o;sf] dxŒj atfpg' ePsf] 5 — b]l;n acgf ;a hgld7\7f, t]“ t};g hDkcf] cjx6\7f . lslQ{ktfsfd] d}lynL efiffdf k|]d ;DaGwL sdgLo sljtfx? 5g\ . z}j;j{:j;f/df ejl;+xb]lv lJfZjf;b]jL;Ddsf sLlt{syf lj?bfjnL z}nLdf jl0f{t 5 . u+ufjfSofjnL / b'uf{elQmt/+lu0fL u+uf / zlQmsf] pkf;gfdf ljBfkltåf/f /lrt /rgfx?sf ;+u|x x'g\ .
ljBfkltsf lktf u0fklt 7fs'/ / dftf uf+uf] b]jL lyP . Toltv]/ ldlynfsf] /fhwfgL cf]OgL lyof] . cf]OgLdf /fhs'df/ lzjl;+x, lslt{l;+x tyf kb\dl;+x;+u jxf“sf] lzIff–bLIFf eof] . To;kl5 ;Lb/k'/df k|sf08 ljåfg xl/ld>sf] rf}kfl8df jxf“n] Gofozf:q tyf wd{zf:qsf] cWoog ug'{ eof] .
ljBfklt ;/;, ljgf]bL / rt'/ t lyP . cfkm\gf] ;Ddf]xs / pbfQ JolQmŒjsf sf/0f /fhf lzjl;+xn] jxf“nfO{ /fhkl08t agfP . ljBfkltsf >+uf/ uLtx?sf /rgf o;} cjlwdf eof] . lbNnlsf tTsflng ;'Ntfg Oa|flxd zfxnfO{ /fh:j ga'emfPsf] sf/0f /fhf lzjl;+xnfO{ ;'Ntfgn] aGbL agfP . ljBfkltn] cfkm\gf uLtx? ;'gfO{ ;'NtfgnfO[ d'Uw kf/L lxjl;+xnfO{ d'Qm u/fPsf lyP . !$)@ O{+= df hnfn'2Lgn] ldlynfdfly cfqmd0f u¥of] t/ pgL k/flht eP/ kmls{g' k¥of] . o; o'4df sljsf]lsnsf] e"ldsfaf6 k|efljt eO{ /fhf lzjl;+xn] To;sf] nuQ] ePsf] cfkm\gf] /fHofleif]ssf] cj;/df pgnfO{ cfkm\gf] hGd:ynL la:kmL u|fd bfg:j?k k|bfg ug'{ eof] .
#–$ jif{kl5 km]l/ Oa|flxd zfxn] ldlynfdfly cfqmd0f u/] . o; o'4df eg] /fhf lzjl;+x k/flht eP . ljBfkltn] /fgLx?;+u} agf}nLsf /fhf k'/flbTosf] z/0fdf hfg' k¥of] . ljBfkltsf nflu of] cjlw s7Lg / lg/fzfhgs lyof] . jxf“ uLtuf]ljGbsf /rgfsf/ hob]jsf] k|efjdf kg'{ eof] . hob]jnfO{ ljBfkltsf] k|/0ff>f]t dflgG5 . jxf“nfO{ clegj hob]j klg elgG5 . lgjf{;gsfndf jxf“sf /rgfx?df >+uf/sf] :yfgdf elQmsf wf/f k|jflxt x'g yfNof] . jxf“n] eujfg lzjz+s/sf nflu grf/Lsf /rgfdf cfkm"nfO{ ;dlk{t u/] .
ljBfklt lzj, zlQm / /fwf–s[i0fs pkf;s lyP . jxf“sf ;Dk"0f{ uLtx?nfO{ b'O{ uf]6 wf/fdf ljeflht ug{ ;lsG5 — >+uf/ / elQm . klxnf] wf/fdf /fwf–s[i0fsf cf/fwgfdf /lrPsf uLtx? K5{g\ eg] bf]>f] ef/fdf dxfb]a, b]jL / u+ufsf :t'ltx? . dxfb]ak|lt ;dlk{t /rgfx? grf/Lsf gfdn] ljVoft 5g\ . zlQmsf] :t'lt uf];fplg uLt ldlynfsf k|To]s kj{ jf s'g} z'e sfo{sf] cf/Desf cj;/df clgjfo{ ?kn] ufOG5 .
ljBfkltsf] lzjelQmsf] af/]df lsDjbGtL 5 ls eujfg z+s/ k|;Gg eP/ pugfsf] ?kdf jxf“sf] ;xof]uL eP/ jxf“;+u} a:g yfNg' eof] . Pslbg ljBfkltnfO{ Kof; nfUof] / jxf“n] pugfnfO{ kfgLsf] Joj:yf ug{ eGg' eof] . 6f9f–6f9f;Dd kfgLsf] st} s'g} >f]t lyPg . pugfn] ghLs} uO{ cfkm\gf] h6faf6 u+ufhn lgsfnL jxf“nfO{ lbP . ljBfklt u+ufhnsf] :jfb;+u kl/lrt x'g'xGYof] . jxf“n] pugf;+u cfkm\gf] kl/ro lbg s/ u/] . cGttM lzjn] cfkm\gf] kl/ro lbg} k¥of] t/ dxfb]jn] Pp6f zt{ /fv] / eg] of] /x:o g} /xf];\ . s;}n] yfxf kfpg] lalQSs} jxf“ cGtW{ofg x'g'x'g]5 . Pslbg ljBfkltsf] kTgLn] s'g} s'/fdf l/;fP/ pugfnfO{ xsf{g' eof] . ljBfkltsf] d'vaf6 — xf“===xf“ ;fIfft dxfb]jdfly ====Ú lgl:sLxfNof] / pugf tTsfn cGtW{ofg eP . To;kl5 ljBfklt ljlIfKt eP . jxf“sf] Toltv]/sf] dfgl;s l:ylt pugf /] df]/ stP u]nf“ ==== eGg] uLtdf k|:km'l6t ePsf] 5 .
ljBfklt >+uf/L slj lyP . lslt{ktfsfdf jxf“n] n]Vg'ePsf] 5 — /Tg+ r >+[uf/ /;f]/;gfd\ . ljBfkltsf &) k|ltzt uLtx? >[+ufl/s uLtx? 5g\ . ljBfklts uLtx?nfO{ dw'/dfuL{ j}i0fj efjn] x]bf{ cWofTd dfq} b]lvG5 t/ ltg} uLtx?nfO{ d}lyn kf/Dkl/s u[x:ysf] efjn] a'em\g vf]Hbf To;}df] >[+uf/sf p2fd nLnf dfq kfOG5 .
ljBfkltsf] sfJowf/fn] ;Dk"0f{ cfof{jt{nfO{ k|efljt u/]sf] lyof] . Tolt a]nf cf;fd, a+ufnaf6 Gofozf:q k9g ljBfyL{x? ldlynf cfp“Yo] . kmls{+bf ljBfkltsf uLt–;+uLt lnP/ hfGYo] . hubLz ld>, lji0f'k'/L, efg'bQ, uf]ljGb 7fs'/, uf]ljGb bf; o;sf pbfx/0f x'g\ . ljBfkltsf uLt ha dxfk|e' r}tGosf] sfgdf k¥of] jxf“ efjljef]/ x'g'eof] . a+ufn, cf;fd tyf p8L;f;Dd ljBfkltsf uLtx? r}tGo ;Dk|bfodf ;Ddflgt :yfg k|fKt u¥of] . j}i0fj sljx? jxf“sf] cg'z/0f ub}{ /rgf ug{ yfn] . o;} qmddf o:tf /rgfx?df :yfgLo efiffsf tŒjx? ;d]t ldl>t eP . kl/0ffd:j?k efiffsf] gof“ ?k pTkGg eof] h;nfO{ j|haf]nL elgG5 . sjLGb| /jLGb|gfy 7fs'/n] klg ljBfkltsf] cg'z/0f u/]sf] kfOG5 . efg'l;+xsf] gfdn] /lrt jxf“sf /rgfx? pbfx/0f:j?k lng ;lsG5 . ljBfklt;+u dxli{f c/ljGbf] klg k|efljt eP . 8f= ljgf]b laxf/L jdf{åf/f lnlvt Maharsi Sri Aurobindo on Vidyapati lgaGwdf o;sf] lj:t[t ljj/0f 5 . o;af6 ljBfklt cfkm\gf] o'usf] k|ltlglw dfq} xf]Og o'usf k|jT{fs ;d]t /x]sf] k|dfl0ft x'G5 .
ljBfkltsf Jojxf/ uLtx?n] ldlynfsf nf]s–Jojxf/uLtx?nfO{ ;flxlTos k|lti7f k|bfg u¥of] . jxf“sf Jojxf/ uLtsf cg'z/0fs k|lqmof clxn];Dd klg lg/Gt/tf kfPsf] 5 . ljBfklt gf/L Xbosf dd{1 lyP . gf/Ldf cGtlg{lxt efjgfsf] oyfy{ j0f{g uy]{ –

ljBfkltsf uLtx? u''0ff]Tsif{tfsf ;fy} ljifoljljwtfn] klg kl/k"0f{ 5g\ . elQm uLtx?df cf/fWo / cf/fwssf] ;DaGw k|ltkmlnt b]lvG5 tyf cf/fWosf] 5lj, nLnf, j/–ofrgf cflb d'Vo ljifo ag]sf 5g\ . >[Ëf/ uLtx?df joM;lGw, ?knfj0o, /fuf]bo, s]lnsft/tf, /l;stf, /ltkf6j, k/sLofs}tj, cle;f/, ldngsf] pNnf; , lj/xsf] j]bgf nufot g/–gf/Lsf of}g :fDaGw;+u ;DalGwtx? ;a} ljifox? cToGt ?lrs/ z}nLdf ;d]l6Psf 5g\ . Jofjxfl/s uLtx?df dfËlns, pkrf/, kfl/jfl/s xiff]{Nnf;, k|]d , jfT;No, z''sfdgf cflb lrlqt 5g\ . d}lynL ;flxTodf ljBfkltsf] :yfg O6nLsf bf“t] / a]nfotsf rf};/ h:tf] 5 .
dxfslj ljBfklt lgjf{;gsfndf k|frLg ldlynfs /fhwfgL ljb]xgu/L ;Dk|lt hgsk'/b]lv blIf0f /fhagf}nLdf a:g'ePsf] lyof] . sf7df08f}df ljBfkltsf kbfjnLsf] lt/x'tfIf/df tof/ ul/Psf] kf08'lnlk ljBdfg 5 . ;j{k|yd dxfdxf]kfWofo x/k|;fb e6\6frfo{ zf:qLnfO{ o;sf] hfgsf/L k|fKt ePsf] lyof] . jxf“ ljBfkltaf6 cToGt k|efljt lyP . jxf“n] n]Vg'ePsf] 5 — ljBfklts] cfd/f tLg d"lt{t] b]lvt] kfO . Ps d"lt{t] ltlg k08Lt ;+:s[t ;flxTo] v"a Jo'TkGg . lt/x't]/ /fhfb]/ ;ef;b\ Pj+ lxGb" ;dfh] k'gu{7g] s[t;+sNk . cf/ Ps d"lt{t] b]vL ltlg slj/ rIf] hut b]lvt] 5]g . cflb /;]/ kb lnlvt] 5]g Pj+ ;do]–;do] pR5jf;] ub\ub\ xf]Ot] 5]g . tf“xf/ cf/cf] Ps d"lt{ cf5] . ltlg Oltxf; lnlvlt] 5]g . tf“xf/ Oltxf;]/ gfd df]g] <>kl5 x/k|;fbhLn] g]kfn ;/sf/sf] :jLs[lt lnP/ ;f] kf08'lnlk gu]Gb|gfy u'KtnfO{ zf]w ug{ lbg' ePsf] lyof] . b/e+uf dxf/fh sfd]Zj/ l;+xn] To; ljk'n ;Dkbfsf] b'O6f k|ltlnlk tof/ u/] h; dWo] Pp6f k6gf sfn]hdf / csf]{ k6gf ljZjljBfnosf] k':tsfnodf ;'/lIft 5 .

State Terror

wg'iff, dxf]Q/L, ;nf{xL, /f}tx6, af/f / k;f{df dw]zL

cfGbf]ngsf qmddf ePsf] HofbtL ;DaGwL lj:t[tcWoog k|ltj]bg )^#

;fj{hlgs ePsf] ldltM )^# r}t @@ ut]

dfgjclwsf/ ;lGw cg'udg ;dGjo ;ldlt

;lrjfnoM cgf}krfl/s If]q ;]jf s]Gb| - OG;]s_

sfo{sf/L ;f/f+z

dw]zL hgclwsf/ kmf]/dsf] cu'jfO{df )^# df3 @ ut]b]lv df3 @% ut];Dddf t/fO{df ePsf] cfGbf]ngsf qmddf wg'iffdf b'O{ hgf / ;nf{xLdf kfFr hgfn] Hofg u'dfPsf] kfOof] . dw]zL cfGbf]ngsf] qmddf af/f lhNnfdf b'O{ hgf / k;f{ lhNnfdf b'O{ hgf u/L hDdf rf/ hgfsf] d[To' ePsf] lyof] . af/f lhNnfdf ! ;o @ hgf, k;f{ lhNnfdf ! ;o @% / /f}tx6 lhNnfdf @# hgf;d]t u/L hDdf @ ;o %) hgf 3fOt] ePsf] c:ktfnsf] /]s8{af6 b]lvof] . af/f lhNnfdf @( hgf, k;f{ lhNnfdf #( hgf / /f}tx6 lhNnfdf !( hgf ;d]t hDdf *& hgf k|x/Lx¿ / /f}tx6 lhNnfdf !& hgf ;j{;fwf/0fnfO{ dfcf]jfbLn] s'6lk6L 3fOt] kf/]sf lyP . o; qmddf wg'iffdf /fHoaf6 $ ;o ## hgf 3fOt] ePsf]df To;dWo] ^ hgfnfO{ uf]nL nfu]sf] lyof] . o;}u/L wg'iff, dxf]Q/L / ;nf{xLdWo] dw]zL cfGbf]ngsf qmddf ;a}eGbf sd k|efljt lhNnf eg] dxf]Q/L b]lvof], h;df hDdf $ hgfdfq 3fOt] ePsf lyP .

dw]zL cfGbf]ngsf qmddf dw]zL kmf]/dsf sfo{stf{n] u/]sf] tf]8kmf]8af6 ;a}eGbf a9L wg'iffdf gLlh tyf ;/sf/L ;DklQ Iflt ePsf] kfOof] . kLl8tn] lhNnf k|zf;g sfof{nodf lbPsf] lgj]bg / ;/sf/L sfof{non] ;+sng u/]sf] ljj/0fsf cfwf/df wg'iffdf ;/sf/L tyf gLlh ;DklQ u/L hDdf & s/f]8 @!nfv ^$ xhf/ ?k}ofF a/fa/sf] ;DklQ Iflt ePsf] kfOof] . o; qmddf dxf]Q/Ldf !* nfv a/fa/fsf] ;/sf/L ;DklQ Iflt ePsf] 5 eg] sl/a b'O{ nfv a/fa/sf] gLlh ;DklQ Iflt ePsf] lyof] . To;}u/L ;nf{xLdf klg dw]zL hgclwsf/ kmf]/d sfo{stf{n] u/]sf] tf]8kmf]8af6 gLlh / ;/sf/L ;DklQ Iflt ePsf] kfOof] .

wg'iff, dxf]Q/L / ;nf{xLdf dw]zL hgclwsf/ kmf]/dn] u/]sf] cfGbf]ngn] c/fhs ?k lnP/ tf]8kmf]8, cfuhgL / n'6kf6 ug{ yfn]kl5 ;'/IffsdL{n] an k|of]u u/]sf] kfOof] . To; qmddf nf7Lrfh{, c>'UofF; k|xf/ tyf s]xL :yfgdf uf]nL ;d]t k|xf/ ul/Psf] kfOof] . dw]zL hgclwsf/ kmf]/dsf sfo{stf{n] wg'iffdf eg] ;flns tf]8kmf]8, u}/dw]zL ;d'bfosf] gLlh ;DklQ n'6kf6 tyf cfuhgL / u}/dw]zL dlxnfdfly sltko cj:yfdf uDeL/ b'Jo{jxf/ u/]sf] kfOof] .

dw]zL cfGbf]ngsf 3fOt]n] pkrf/ u/fO /x]sf] hgsk'/ c~rndf cfGbf]ngsf/L n's]sf] jxfgfdf k|x/L k|j]z u/L x:tIf]k tyf 3fOt]dfly nf7Lhfr{ u/]sf] kfOof]. To;}u/L dw]zL cfGbf]ngsf qmddf hgsk'/sf] d'l:nd 6f]ndf k|x/Ln] x:tIf]k u/L dl:hbdf gjfh kl9/x]sf / 3/df sfd ul//x]sf dlxnfx?nfO{ ;d]t s'6lk6 u/]sf] kfOof] .

dw]zL hgclwsf/ kmf]/dn] )^# df3 @ ut]b]lv ;'? u/]sf] dw]zL cfGbf]ngn] kl5Nnf] ;dodf lx+;fTds ?k lnof] . cfGbf]ngsf/Lx¿n] ;/sf/L sfof{nox¿,/fhgLlts bnsf sfof{nox¿, /fli6«o lje"ltx¿sf zflns / JolQmut ;DklQdf cfuhgL tyf tf]8kmf]8 u/]sf lyP . cfGbf]ngsf] qmddf ;/sf/L tyf gLlh ;DklQ gf]S;fg x'bfF dflg;sf] afFRg kfpg] xs u'd]sf] cWoogsf] qmddf kfOof] . o;}u/L cfGbf]ngsf] qmddf af/f / /f}tx6 lhNnfsf] ;/sf/L sfof{no tyf kf6L{ sfof{nox¿, JolQmut ;DklQdf cfuhgL, n'6kf6 / tf]8kmf]8 x'Fbf /f}tx6 lhNnfdf ^ s/f]8 ^& nfv #@ xhf/ / af/f lhNnfdf @@ nfv (^ xhf/ @ ;o #! ?k}+of u/L b'O{ lhNnfdf hDdf ^ s/f]8 () nfv @* xhf/ @ ;o #! ?k}+of a/fa/sf] Iflt ePsf] b]lvg cfpF5 . k;f{ lhNnfsf] Iflt ljj/0f ;+sng x'g] qmddf /x]sf] 5 .

o;}u/L cfGbf]ngsf] qmddf cfGbf]ngsf/Lx¿n] zflGtk"0f{ ?kdf cfGbf]ng ;~rfng ug]{ eg] klg xltof/ ;lxt cfGbf]ngdf ;l/s ePsf], k|x/L tyf ;/sf/L sfof{nox¿nfO{ cfqmd0fsf] lgzfgf agfPsf], k|x/LnfO{ nlIft u/L uf]nL tyf ad k|xf/ u/]sf], xltof/ vf];]sf], efFlrlbPsf], hnfOlbPsf] / vf];]sf s]xL xltof/ lkmtf{ gu/]sf :ynut cWoogsf] qmddf kfOof] . ;'/IffsdL{af6 klg cfjZos eGbf a9L an k|of]u u/L cfGbf]ngsf/LnfO{ 3fOt] kf/]sf], uf]nL k|xf/ ubf{ k|rlnt sfg"g xgg u/L cGwfw'Gw uf]nL rnfOPsf] kfOof] . dfcf]jfbLn] kmf]/dsf] cfGbf]ng ljyfNg sltko cj:yfdf /fhfjfbLsf] 3';k}7 eGb} ;j{;fwf/0f ;d]tnfO{ s'6lk6 u/L 3fOt] kf/]sf] cWoogsf] qmddf kfOof] .

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