Political Execution of People's Sovereignty

Political Execution of People's Sovereignty

By: Shashi P.B.B. Malla

Last Friday was a black day in Nepal's history. The so-called 'interim parliament' passed an amendment to the likewise 'interim constitution' which will make Nepal a 'federal democratic republic' after the elections to the Constituent Assembly (CA). That is to say, the very first session of the CA is to make this declaration. However, there are many imponderables and hurdles on this road map of the Gang of Seven (the six party alliance and the Maoists or SPAM).

This spurious third amendment of the counterfeit 'constitution' (how can, for instance, any democratic constitution worth the name enshrine the name of the current seven ruling parties?) was voted for by 270 of the 321 existing members, in large measure comprising largely those from the three biggest political parties represented-the Nepali Congress (NC), CPN-United Marxists-Leninists(UML) and the CPN-Maoist. It is a matter of great shame that only three members-Pashupati Shumsher J.B. Rana and Krishna Pratap Malla of the Rashtriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) and Pari Thapa of the CPN-United voted against the proposal. Four members, two from the Rashtriya Janashakti Party-former PM Surya Bahadur Thapa and Renu Yadav, and two from the Sadbhawana Party-Rajendra Mahato and Yagya Jit Shah, boycotted the vote. Very interestingly, a large number of 44 members, including Taranath Ranabhat of the NC, K.P. Oli and Jhala Nath Khanal of the CPN-UML were absent during the voting. This can be interpreted as a major vote of no confidence.

The amendment-to be formerly endorsed by the first meeting of the elected CA-failed miserably to address the issues raised by the ethnic groups in the Terai-the Madhesis and also other Janjatis. Second, and above all as Surya Bahadur Thapa and Pashupati Shumsher voiced the true sentiments of the common people and so eloquently condemned the whole proceedings as "a blatant assault on the people's right to exercise sovereign powers". Ashutosh Shrivastav writing from Texas in the United States (in: NepalOfficers@yahoogroups.com) strongly condemned the violation of the constitutional process by declaring the country a republic without the mandate of the people. This treacherous behaviour of the parties in power had in fact raped democracy in the so-called name of the people. He also contrasted King Mahendra's supreme contribution in the preservation of Nepal's sovereignty and his balanced foreign policy with the Gang of Seven's dangerous game of kowtowing to India. Tilak B. Shrestha, Ph.D. from Alabama, USA was even more specific (also in NepalOfficers): " This is a simple case of the threat of Maoists, duplicity of UML and cowardice of NC" and would certainly lead to the disfranchisement of the people.

As has been highlighted in this journal, the de facto declaration of a republic has now taken place; the so-called 'formal' completion after the CA-elections is just a smoke screen. In the well-tried and tested salami tactics, the functions and privileges of the King and head of state were already usurped by caretaker PM Girija Koirala. This has also been formalized by the said amendment, which also laid down that the CA could not 'restore' monarchy. Thus, the people have been side-lined. Now Maoist honcho Dahal (aka Prachanda) and minister and NC vice-chairman Poudel have independently of each other claimed that the republic is now reality in practice, and the CA confirmation a mere formality-after all both are of the same feather. Poudel was even contemptuous enough to call for the King to abdicate voluntarily. Poudel, like others of his ilk makes two major blunders: first, he is unable to distinguish the person from the institution; and second, the last word has not yet been said, but Poudel is already counting his chickens.

Where does all this leave us, the people? Considering the antics of SPAM, there can be no doubt that if we are to exercise our fundamental human and civic rights, we must forge ahead and take the initiative for decisive action. This is especially imperative, as there is no guarantee that the CA-elections will take place in the near future, or at all, and even if they do that, they will not be manipulated to the advantage of the Gang of Seven. How much or how little SPAM thinks of the democratic process can be judged from the fact that UML boss Madhav Nepal (aka Makune) has demanded the reservation of seats in the elections for the top guns of the authoritarian ruling syndicate.

The need of the hour is a grand alliance of all true democrats and independent civil society and of the Madhesis and Janjatis that have been terribly let down by the current government and the governing political parties that not only reign but also rule in a most autocratic manner. The immediate purpose must be to start a genuine people's movement to win back the people's inherent rights that have been usurped by SPAM. It should not be at all difficult to find leaders that are willing and able to shed their personal and political differences in the larger interests of the nation. Such leaders like Surya Bahadur Thapa, Pashupati Shumsher, Ram Raja Prasad Singh, Prakash Koirala and Dr. Prakash Chandra Lohini come readily to mind.

The first order of business of this 'coalition of the willing' in the international New Year 2008 (it is indeed no point waiting for the Nepalese New Year 2065, as the current government and constituent parties are absolutely incorrigible) would be to demand the dissolution of the now defunct, so-called 'interim parliament'. Like a faithful and old dog, it has outlived its usefulness. It has performed it's rubber-stamp functions in an impeccable manner. It has also become an unnecessary burden on the national exchequer. Now that elections have already been proposed for the middle of April 08, the raison d'etre for the 'interim parliament' has completely vanished.

However, there does remain a sneaking doubt whether SPAM is at all serious about the CA-elections. After all, they must be having serious doubts about their own performance since they took over power. The loose talk about elections may very well turn out to be a sop for the international community.

Second, the 'interim constitution' itself has turned out to be an instrument of manipulation in the hands of the politicians of SPAM. It does not deserve to be respected in any way. It is of no use any more to SPAM, and is of no importance to the country at large. If the people's delegates are going to draft a new constitution in any case, it can be dispensed with immediately. It is worthless as a document providing inspiration for the constitution drafting process. Thus, like everything to do with SPAM, it can be got rid of as bad rubbish.

SPAM has established itself as the bastion of unreason and authoritarianism. Third, for the sake of the future of our country, we must wholeheartedly agitate for the formation of an independent government of national unity and reconciliation. Only such a government will ensure that the CA-elections are truly free and fair. This is a just demand even in the run-up to the elections. It is totally unacceptable that SPAM is monopolizing political power as if it is their birthright. There must be an end to sham democracy. This must be our New Year's resolution of all patriotic Nepalese. Let us the bells toll for the end of the infamous Koirala era and its disruptive collaboration with the Maoist terrorists, so that a truly new epoch of history can be heralded.

The writer can be reached at: shashipbmalla@hotmail.com

(Source)

Is Maoist Leadership Losing Control Over its Cadre?

Is Maoist Leadership Losing Control Over its Cadre?

Rajan Pokhrel

Is the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) gradually losing its control over its grass-root cadres and combatants? CPN-Maoist chairman Prachanda admitted on Friday that cadres of the pro-Maoist Young Communist League have not given up their unruly activities. "It was reported that the YCL cadres have improved their conduct, but this is not true," Prachanda said while visiting Tribhuvan University Teaching Hospital at Maharajgunj to meet pro-CPN-UML student leader Deepak Gautam who is fighting for his life after being severely beaten up by YCL cadres in Kavre. ANNFSU central member Gautam was injured in the YCL attack on Monday. Talking to the media, Prachanda reiterated his hackneyed statement that he had issued strong directives to Maoist cadres not to attack any body. While he was crowing, "They will follow the directives," YCL cadres were merrily beating up traders in Baitadi district the same evening. At least a dozen traders were injured by YCL cadres in Khodpe Bazaar of Baitadi. YCL went on a rampage after traders took to the streets protesting against its highhandedness. In Sankhuwasabha, a group of Maoist cadres led by a district committee member severely beat up police inspector Amrit Thapa on Saturday. "They charged me with snatching their posters," Thapa said adding that he never did so. On Tuesday, three pro-Nepali Congress students were injured in an attack by the YCL in Ramechhap district. Two months ago, Maoist cadres thrashed a Swiss tourist Steve in Kaski in October for allegedly refusing to pay "tourist fee". Steve said: "I had read in the newspapers that Maoist chairman Prachanda had said that his party's policy forbade extortion" adding the Maoist cadres started hitting him with bamboo sticks on his head when he said he could not pay the fee. According to news reports the Maoists are still collecting donation from tourists in the area after setting up checkpoints at different places. Maoist cadres abducted journalist Birendra Shah from Dhodiya Pipra bazaar of Umzam VDC of Bara district on October 5 and killed him the same day. His body was recovered on November 7. After a huge international and national outcry, the Maoists in a press conference in Kathmandu admitted that party cadres Kundan Foujdar and Ram Ekwal Sahani shot Shah after abducting him. The Maoist brass itself expressed commitment to bring the culprits to book within a month but the murderers are still at large. Maoist cadres abducted Kanchanpur-based journalist Prakash Thakuri from Bhansi Bazaar of Mahendranagar on July 7. His whereabouts is still unknown. Probe panels have already tabled their reports to the government saying Thakuri was abducted and is feared killed e by YCL cadres. The Maoist leadership has kept mum till date about the incident. Another horrific incident was the abduction of a doctor and officials of the Biratnagar-based Nobel Medical College. Young Communist League (YCL) cadres kidnapped Dr Gyanendra Giri from Kathmandu and the officials and they were severely beaten up. Each time, the Maoist leadership refutes allegations, then admits these and vows not to let such acts be repeated. The series of atrocities continued, with a group of Maoist cadres looting weapons from the Fikuri police post in Nuwakot district in the first week of August and revolting against their party to form their own Janbadi Yuva Samuh. Rajkumar Regmi 'Sandesh' said that they revolted against the party to protest unequal treatment by the leadership. CPN-UML cadres were attacked in Ramechhap last week while scores of other unruly activities by Maoist cadres were reported in 2007. In 2007, newspapers publication houses and businesses were targeted by Maoist cadres though its leadership kept parroting that it has no policy of attacking media houses. A few months ago, 10 Maoist Peoples' Liberation Army (PLA) men left the Sindhuli camp and joined the Janatantrik Tarai Mukti Morcha (Jwala Singh) in Siraha district. The incident raises the question what step will the 12,000 combatants who have been disqualified from the PLA take in future. Will they turn into to political cadres easily? Pro-Maoist Tharu leader Roshan Tharu quit the party and formed a front of Maoist dissidents. Some district cadres revolted against the Maoist leadership in Sindhuli. YCL chief Sagar has threatened to revolt if the party top brass ties up with "nationalist" royalists. There are cogent reasons behind these incidents: unequal treatment, immature schooling in political ideology, reluctance to give up arms and other rude habits, emergence of new armed groups, impunity, lack of security bodies' effectiveness and transitional phase, among others. Most of the businessmen, common people, teachers, students and farmers among others who were contact for their opinion asked to remain anonymous due to fear of revenge, but the majority of them averred that the Maoist leadership was losing control of its cadres. A senior police officer said it was difficult to book guilty Maoist cadres. "If we arrest any accused Maoist cadre, hundreds of his comrades gherao our office demanding his unconditional release," he said. Speaking at a programme in the capital on Saturday, CPN-UML general secretary Madhav Kumar Nepal said the Maoist cadres have not given up their 'looter attitude'. Nepal commented that the grass-root level cadres of Maoists were out of the leadership's control. Continuing unruly activities by the Maoist cadres were harmful for both the peace process and the constituent assembly elections, he added. (Source)

नयाँ सहमति र मधेशका मुद्दा

नयाँ सहमति र मधेशका मुद्दा

जयप्रकाश गुप्ता

अन्तरिम संविधानको तेस्रो संशोधनबाट पनि मधेसका जल्दाबल्दा विषयहरूलाई पन्छाउने सात दल र सरकारले संविधानसभाको निर्वाचनमा मधेशीलाई कसरी सहभागी गराउन सक्छन्?

समझ्दारीको शृङ्खलामा सात दलबीच फेरि एउटा २३ सूत्रीय समझ्दारी थपिएको छ। यो समझ्दारीको कार्यदिशा अगामी चैतभित्रमा संविधानसभाको चुनाव गराउनु भनिएको छ। आम अपेक्षाका आधारमा अब चुनाव हुनुपर्ने हो। तर जसले खासगरी मुख्य दलहरूको आफू हार्ने चुनाव किन गराउने भन्ने आत्मपरक निष्कर्ष र संघीयताका नाममा हरण हुने एकात्मवादी शासन रक्षाको चिन्ता यसअघिको निर्वाचन स्थगनको गुह्य कारण हुन् भन्ने बुझेका छन्; तिनलाई चैतमा पनि निर्वाचन हुने कुरामा विश्वास गर्न गाह्रो छ। यसको साथै चैतमा संविधानसभाको चुनाव हुनेमा ठूलो अविश्वास मधेशको भयावह हुँदै गएको घटनाक्रमले पनि खडा गरेको छ।

मधेसको क्षेत्रबाट संविधानसभाको चुनावमा अवरोध आउन सक्ने तीन वटा सङ्गठनात्मक पक्षहरू छन्ः पहिलो, नेपालको पूर्वी–दक्षिणी ओरालोका मधेशी भागमा समेत सशक्तताका साथ बढेका लिम्बूवान् पक्ष तथा आवद्ध मोर्चाहरू; दोस्रो, मधेशको सवालमा शान्तिपूर्ण तरिका अपनाएका तर मागमा अविचलित फोरम र मोर्चाहरू; तथा तेस्रो, पृथकताको मागमा अडेका विभिन्न सशस्त्र विद्रोहीहरू। यीमध्ये लिम्बूवान पक्षबाट चुनावको शान्तिपूर्ण सम्पादनमा सामान्य कठिनाई हुन र मधेशी सशस्त्र समूहबाट चुनाव रक्तरञ्जित हुनसक्ने कुरामा द्विविधा छैन। तर मधेशका आन्दोलनरत् शान्तिपूर्ण मोर्चाहरूले गर्नसक्ने निर्वाचनविरोधी जनपरिचालनबाट चुनाव नै हुनसक्दैन। यी वा यीमध्ये केही शक्तिबीच आपसमा चुनाव गर्न नदिने सहकार्य भएमा मुलुकको ठूलो हिस्सामा चुनाव असम्भव हुन्छ।

मुलुकमा, खासगरी मधेशमा, शान्तिको सार्थक प्रयास नथाल्ने हो भने साधारण आँखाले देखिने आसन्न दृश्य यही नै हो। यस दृश्यको मञ्चनलाई प्रोत्साहित नै गर्ने हो भने त्यो शाही सत्ताका बखत गरिएको निर्वाचनले जनआन्दोलन–२ लाई उक्साएको जस्तो सकारात्मक परिणाम दिने खालको हँुदैन। बरु, त्यसले मुलुकमा नचिताइएको हिंसालाई बढाउनेछ। त्यसको परिणामस्वरुप मुलुकको विखण्डनको एजेण्डा संस्थागत हुनेछ।

यस्तो परिकल्पनाले सबैलाई दुःखी तुल्याउनु स्वाभाविक नै हो। तसर्थ यस भयावह दुःखमा बस्न अभ्यस्त हुने संस्कृतिको विकास गर्नुभन्दा आजै समस्याको समाधानका लागि उपाय खोज्नु प्रासङ्गिक हुन्छ। गत माघमा अन्तरिम संविधान लागू गरिँदा मधेशले आफ्ना अपेक्षाहरूलाई स्पष्टताका साथ राखेको थियो। तर त्यसलाई वेबास्ता नै गरियो। मधेश आन्दोलन पश्चात् संघीयता, जनसङ्ख्यामा आधारित प्रतिनिधित्वलगायत केही विषयहरूमा सहमति भयो। अन्य आधारभूत सवालहरूका बारेमा आन्दोलनरत् समूहहरूसँग सरकारको वार्ता जारी रहँदै गरेको बेला अन्तरिम संविधानमा दोस्रो संशोधनको प्रस्ताव हठपूर्वक संसदमा छिराइयो। त्यसपछि विभिन्न आन्दोलनकारी पक्षहरूसँग भएको सहमतिले संविधानमा तेस्रो संशोधनको औचित्यलाई अकाट्य बनाएका छन्।

मधेशको दृष्टिकोणबाट संविधानमा 'गणतन्त्र'को प्रावधान आउनु स्वागतयोग्य विषय हो। संविधानको प्रस्तावनामा 'मधेशी पहिचानको मान्यता' वस्तुतः नेपालको बहुसांस्कृतिक चरित्रअनुरुप भएपनि यसलाई संशोधनमा स्वीकारिएको छैन। मधेशले भावी संविधानमा राजनीतिक अधिकारका साथै जनताका सामाजिक–आर्थिक–धार्मिक–सामुदायिक तथा सांस्कृतिक अधिकारहरूको प्रत्याभूति खोजेको हो। यसअघि मधेश आन्दोलनको दायित्व पूरा गर्न दोस्रो संशोधनबाट समावेश गरिएको 'संघीयता' आत्मनिर्णयको अधिकारसहित क्षेत्रीय स्वायत्ततायुक्त हुनु पर्दछ भन्ने मान्यता मधेशको एक मुख्य माग छँदैछ। मधेशले प्रारम्भदेखि नै पूर्ण समानुपातिक निर्वाचन प्रणालीमा जोड दिँदै आएको हो।

यसअघिकै संविधानसभाको सदस्य सङ्ख्यालाई पूर्ण समानुपातिकमा रूपान्तरण गरिँदा पनि हालै संसदबाट पारित समानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्व सम्बन्धी कानूनअनुसार मधेशी समुहले सूची प्रणालीमा कम्तीमा पनि आफ्नो समुदायको जनसङ्ख्याको अनुपातमा उम्मेदवार चयन गर्नका लागि अन्य गैरमधेशी क्षेत्रबाट सूची बनाउनुपर्ने बाध्यता विद्यमान छ। अब संविधानसभाको सदस्य सङ्ख्या ६०१ बनाइएको तेस्रो संशोधनबाट मधेशीको प्रतिनिधित्वलाई यथार्थमा खुम्च्याउने काम भएको छ। यसरी नै अन्तरिम संविधानमै किटान गरिएको राज्य पुनर्संरचना आयोगको कार्यक्षेत्रले यस आयोगलाई मधेश तथा अन्य उपेक्षित समुदायको अपेक्षा अनुसार प्रदेशहरूको सिफारिस गर्न दिएको छैन। राज्यको पुनर्संरचनाका सन्दर्भमा 'मधेशको प्रादेशिक अक्षुण्णता'को अहम् विषयलाई नयाँ संविधानमा प्रवेश गराउन यो सवाल आजै संविधान संशोधनको विषय बनेको छ। संविधानसभामा मधेशीको जनसङ्ख्याको आधारमा प्रतिनिधित्वका लागि पहिलो हुने जित्ने निर्वाचन क्षेत्रको सार्थक पुनरावलोकन फेरि पनि संविधान संशोधनकै विषय हो। यससम्बन्धी प्रतिवेदनको खारेजीको माग गर्दै मधेशी सांसदहरूबाट डेढ महिनासम्म संसद अवरूद्ध हुँदा पनि सो विषयको समाधान भएको छैन।

उपर्युक्त विषयहरू मधेशका सशस्त्र र निरस्त्र दुवै पक्षका साझा मुद्दा हुन्। यसबाहेक सशस्त्र समूहका मात्र अलग मुद्दा छन्– मधेशलाई अलग मुलुक बनाउने। यस स्थितिमा मधेशका साझा मागहरूको बारेमा राज्यको स्पष्टता आउनु पर्दछ― कि त ठीक भनेर, कि नाजायज। ठीक हो भने विद्यमान अन्तरिम संविधानले अङ्गीकार गर्ने विषय हुन् वा होइनन् भनी स्पष्ट गर्नु पर्‍यो। तेस्रो संशोधनबाट यी विषयहरूलाई पन्छाएर सात दल र सरकारले संविधानसभाको निर्वाचनमा मधेशीलाई कसरी सहभागी गराउन सक्छन्? यसमा सात दल र सरकारबाट इमान्दार प्रयास नहुँदा मधेशका सशस्त्र र निरस्त्र समूहहरूको साझा मागलाई पूरा गराउन आवश्यक देखिने अन्तर–आबद्धतालाई कसरी कम गर्ने, यो सर्वाधिक विचारणीय छ। यसैको निरुपणबाट चैतमा संविधानसभाको निर्वाचन गर्न मधेशको सहमति बन्न सक्छ।

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